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JOHN A. GRAY, PRINTER, 97 CLIFF, COR. FRANKFORT STREET, N. Y.

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B.

Kossuth: The Orator and Statesman, 73.

Know ye the Land ? Song, 52.
Bayard Taylor's Poems, 30.
Blackwood's Magazine, 219.

L.

Land Reform, 547.
C.

Longfellow's Golden Legend, 431.
Carlyle and his Imitators, 349.
Celebrated Lecturers in Paris, 10, 390.

M.
Combs, General Leslie, 53, 142.
Complimentary Testimonials, 156.

Margaret Fuller Ossoli, 356.
Congressional Summary, 80, 187, 276, 370, 466,556. Mormonism in Ilinois, 221, 327, 524.
Crawford, W. H.: Review of his Life and Times, My First New-York Bill, 501.
93, 333.

Mephistophiles the Politician, 585.
Critical Notices, 88, 282, 375, 468, 561.

N.
D.

Napoleon—An Ode, 136.
Democratic Candidates for the Presidency, 311.

Nicaragua and the Inter-oceanic Canal, 256.
E.

0.

Odic Force, 585. Evenings with some Female Poets, 210.

P. Epitaphs and Epigrams, 271.

Protection: The American Iron Interest, 449.
G.
Gallia Capta, 255.

R.
Genius and Character of Moore, 411.
General Review, 80, 183, 275, 368, 463, 554. Recollections of Poets Laureate, 516.

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Hall, Hon. N. K.: Biography, 344.
Historical Traditions of Tennessee, 235.
How to Make a Picture, 400.
Hunt, Leigh, 444.

Sharkey, Hon. William L.: Biography, 426.
Some Shakspearian and Spenserian MSS., 17,

114. Speculative Philosophy, 62.

T.

The Permanency and Power of Whig Principl

265.
The Administration: The Party, 285.

The Policy of Non-Intervention, 1.
The American Drama, 177, 228.

The Presidency, 379.
The Central Nation, 317.

The Violin, 44.
The Crisis of the Century, 164.

[475 To the Farmers of America, 189.
The Convention: The Party and the Compromise,
The Humble Petition and Remonstrance of a

W.
Living Author to Prince Posterity, 249.
The Only Great Repulican Nation, 135.

Whig Principle and its Development, 124.

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707

THE

AMERICAN REVIEW

No. LXXXV.

FOR JANUARY, 1852.

THE POLICY OF NON-INTERVENTION.

To make a bad policy popular, it is ne- | pride of personal freedom, the sympathy of cessary to associate it with generous impulses national brotherhood, and the sanctity of reand courageous sentiments. Equally true ligious faith, are the rhetorical delusions of is it of the wise and sound; good and bad a demagogue, or the exhibitions of a truly alike require enthusiasm and the warmth great and self-sacrificing spirit; whether he of passion to extend them and communi- is leading us headlong into folly and destruccate their power. Society being based upon tion, or rousing us from a pernicious leththe hearts of men, if we wish to move it, we argy; whether the fire of his soul has kinmust appeal to the passions of the heart; dled ours in a vicious or a holy cause ; in fine, be the cause holy or unholy, it matters not. whether he is making a bad cause popular, The same fire impels both.

by touching the hearts of the people, or Such is the power of glory and of sym- awakening in them their ancient spirit of pathy, men will not only rush headlong to freedom, large, magnanimous, and now forcertain ruin, destroying all before them in tunate in the power of a great empire ; these pursuit of some imaginary good, which they questions, continually asked and agitated, are to achieve for others; but they will, are now, almost to the exclusion of all with incredible subtlety and patience, fabri- others, engrossing the attention of the peoricate for themselves compact and well-joint- ple. ed systems of philosophy and faith, whose The leader of the Magyars, taken from premises are laid in sheer pride and fury. captivity by the people of the United States,

The most powerful leader of the people through the agency of their government, is he who moves them by the mightiest and from the condition of a humble exile, demost enduring of all passions, the pride of pendent upon our hospitality, has achieved personal liberty, and who associates this by his eloquence, delivered in a language power with emotions of brotherhood and foreign to himself, a reputation and an influthe sanctity of religious faith. These mighty ence here, which leaves no room for wonder arguments overthrow all the calculations of at the power he exercised by native eloprudence and of interest. By these only quence among his own countrymen. can the spiritual oneness of men be made The event of the Cuban invasion, unthe lever of political enterprise.

equalled in the history even of republican Whether the premises of those potent valor-five hundred men attempting the arguments, those magnificent and solid rea- conquest of a powerful state, and falling at sonings, by which the great orator, Kossuth, the last, with a courage worthy of the highest 80 moves the people, are the subtle contri- patriotism, like men misled and deceived, yances of ambition, or the convictions of an and not like buccaneers—had served only to honest mind; whether his appeals to the conrince the people of the United States

1

VOL. IX.

10. I.

NEW SERIES.

that their courage and audacity. Surpassed Such was the first impression made by the consecrated valor of. Thermopylæ, and the coming of Kossuth. He gave us n left them without equals for enterprise in the time for reflection. With all the appearanc estimation of the worid:.:

of magnanimity, he accepted what we offered This unlawful. and unfortunate expedi- not for himself, but for the cause which h tion, which a powerful opposition and the represented. More than this; he seemed t authority of government had been unable open anew the principles of our fundamen to suppress served as a warning to the tal law, and with sublime reasonings le more active sympathizers, that in movements captive our understandings. From the spiri of so great magnitude the preparation also of our own laws, he attempted to establis naưst be great, not only in men and arms, for us a law of nations, and a basis of re but in the public mind. Success in that publican diplomacy. He touched our prid expedition, had it even revolutionized the and awakened our ambition.

He rouset island, and rescued the Creoles from the the young giant of Democracy out of th despotism under which they suffer, might uneasy slumber into which he had fallen have inspired our people with a wild and after his luckless clutch at the Spanish island reckless audacity, and carried us away in a He did not do this after a consultation wit! tempest of foreign wars and adventures. our sages and great lawyers, but with native

While the horror of the Cuban catastro- logic and spontaneous eloquence. phe continued to depress and subdue us, If we adopt the principles of the Magyar rumors reached us of the expected liberation we admit also their consequences, with the of Kossuth. Our goverument, although de- reservation only that we ourselves are to de termined to suppress the schemes of our cide upon the time and circumstances oj own adventurers, was yet willing to show their application. itself republican before the people of Europe, Kossuth affirms, That sovereign state: by giving a rescue to the patriots of Hun- ought not to be interfered with in the

regu gary, whose remote position made it seem lation of their internal policy. possible to offer them an asylum, without He adds, That Hungary is a sovereigr thereby compromising the policy of this state, and, consequently, ought not to be nation.

prevented by the Czar of Russia, or by any We were satisfied with having in this other power, from adopting a republicar manner vindicated our character as repub. and constitutional form of government. licans, and awaited with complacency the That the people of the United States, be arrival of Kossuth. We received him with ing themselves a sovereign and independ acclamations, not only as a republican, but ent nation, ought not seem indifferent, wher as a man of genius and notoriety, who had the liberties of any other nation are endan been the subject of all tongues in Europe. gered by foreign intervention. He, on the other hand, accepted what we That in the grand struggle between des offered, with the air of a man quite used to potism and constitutional government, it is the approbation of a multitude, and returned just and necessary for the people of the our salutations in speeches which seemed to United States to recognize the position as develop a new policy for the nation. signed them by the consent of all nations

To the majority of the people, it was mere as the vindicators of the rights of sovereigr amazement to hear the language of Hamil- states. ton and Jefferson spoken freely and elo- That America should no longer be the quently by the leader of an Asiatic tribe, asylum only, but the stronghold of liberty. and breathing anew into their hearts the That the efforts of an intelligent and hufire of liberty, the flame of '76. “The peo- mane people, suffering under oppression, and ple of the Danube were then also freemen, stimulated by liberty of soul, demand not like our fathers, and were enacting a second only the sacred sympathy, but the aid of time the scenes of Concord and Bunker the people of the United States. Hill. Their orator, their inspirer and leader,

That combinations of arbitrary powers driven by the treachery of a second Arnold against the liberty of single states may be into exile, had taken refuge among us, his rightfully opposed by equal combinations brothers in spirit and faith, and now be- of constitutional and republican States for seeches us to become his brothers in arms." | their protection; and that the aid extended

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