peace was signed and sealed between Great Britain and America. As the last commissioner affixed his signature to the important document, the United States took her place as a free and independent republic among the nations of the world. An anecdote is current in Paris in regard to the treaty which, whatever may be its claim to truth, has at least the merit of being a tribute to Franklin's ready wit. The story goes that, at a grand dinner given in honor of the successful arrangement of terms between the countries, the English ambassador drank the health of King George III., whose power, said he, like that of the sun at midday, illumines the world. Next came the French minister, who responded in behalf of Louis XVI., whom he compared to the moon riding in splendor, and dissipating the shades of night. All eyes were now turned on Franklin. What was there left for him to say? The philosopher slowly rose, and, filling his glass to the brim, called on the company to join him in a toast to George Washington, President of the United States, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, who, like Joshua of old, commanded the sun and moon to stand still, and they obeyed him!

To the credit of England it should be said that the government finally accepted the situation without weak repining. When, a few years later, John Adams was presented to George III. as the first minister from the United States at the court of Great Britain, the king received him with much emotion, saying that though he had been the last to consent to a separation, he would now be the first to welcome the friendship of the United States as an independent power.

In the summer of 1785 Franklin turned his face toward home. He was then so feeble that he could not bear even

the motion of a carriage, but was transported from Passy, the suburb of Paris, where he had resided for nine years, to Havre, a distance of upwards of one hundred and fifty miles, in the queen's litter, a kind of covered couch borne between two mules.

On the voyage he spent much of his time in writing some. papers on "Improvement in Navigation" and on "Smoky Chimneys"; he also repeated his experiments in regard to the temperature of the Gulf Stream. He landed at Philadelphia on the 14th of September amid the ringing of bells and the firing of cannon in joy at his safe return.

§ 19. Franklin and the Constitution, 1785-1787.

Franklin had been at home but a few weeks when he was elected President of the State of Pennsylvania, the office being the same as that of governor in the other States. He was annually chosen for three successive years, that is, for the full time that, by the state constitution, the position could be held consecutively by one person. As he said, in a playful letter to a friend, "I had not firmness enough to resist the unanimous desire of my country folk; and I find myself harnessed again in their service for another year. They engrossed the prime of my life. They have eaten my flesh, and seem resolved now to pick my very bones." The entire salary which Franklin received as President, amounting in all to about $30,000, he regularly spent for some public and benevolent objects. In fact, during his whole life, though he had always been thrifty, he had never been selfish or mean. His motto was, "We should save in order that we may give." To that motto he was always true. When in England he once

lent a considerable sum to a needy French gentleman, saying, "When you are able, lend the same amount to some one else who asks help, on condition that he shall do likewise; in this way the money will be kept in circulation, and so do much good."

Sparks says that "if the whole fifty years of his public life are taken together, it is believed that his receipts, in the form of compensation or salaries, did not defray his necessary expenses."

He was always ready with an encouraging word to those less fortunate than himself. When the times were hard and people despondent, he issued his "Consolation for America," declaring that farming and the fisheries were inexhaustible sources of wealth. "Every man," said he, "who puts a seed into the ground is tecompensed fortyfold; every one that draws a fish out of the waters draws up a piece of silver."

But old and broken in bodily health as Franklin was, the country could not spare his services. He had been clerk of the Assembly, member of the legislature, delegate to the Colonial Congress, agent abroad for American interests for twenty-six years, signer of the Declaration of Independence, postmaster-general, member of Congress of the United States, minister at the court of France, commissioner to draft the treaty of peace, and governor of Pennsylvania. He thought now that his work was done. But no! his State had yet another request to make, that he should act as delegate to the convention which was to meet in Philadelphia, May, 1787, to frame the Constitution of the Republic.

The need of a constitution had become imperative. When the country emerged from the Revolution, it was

practically bankrupt. The long struggle for independence had made the union of the colonies a necessity, but the coming of peace relaxed the bond, and the confederation threatened to break up in anarchic confusion and civil war. The States had no proper head. There was neither president, senate, nor supreme court. Congress consisted of a single house, which was conspicuous mainly, if not solely, for its weakness. It could enact laws, but could not enforce them; it could apportion taxes, but could not levy them; it could ask for soldiers, but could not draft them. In short, as an eminent statesman 1 said, "Congress could declare everything, but could do nothing." The States were jealous of each other and jealous of the central government, though that government was a name rather than a fact. They quarreled about boundary lines; they refused to pay debts; they denied each other freedom of trade; they had even begun to split up into independent and hostile fragments. Appalled by the discord, some conservative men despaired of the Republic, and wished to make Washington king. Washington himself beheld the wrangling with dismay. He said, "We are one nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow." He saw that the only hope lay in the action of the convention, which had been called to find a remedy for these evils. Franklin shared that feeling, and next to Washington, who presided over its deliberations, no delegate had greater influence than he. But the difficulties which the body had to overcome were no trifling ones. More than a month was spent in fruitless discussion, and the convention seemed to be as far from any agreement as when they first met.

1 John Jay.

At the end of that time Franklin thus addressed the presiding officer:

"How has it happened, Sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our understandings? In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for the divine protection. Our prayers, Sir, were heard; and they were graciously answered. All of us, who were engaged in the struggle, must have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend? or do we imagine we no longer need his assistance? I have lived, Sir, a long time; and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth that GOD governs in the affairs of men. And, if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without his aid?"1

With the exception of a short recess, the convention sat during the entire summer, forging and testing each link of the new chain that was to bind all opposing individual interests into one solid and symmetrical union.2 Sometimes the little States held out and refused to agree to an article, at other times the great ones resisted; but

1 Though the convention did not adopt the recommendation, yet it is probable that it had considerable effect in securing more efficient and united action, and hence was not wholly lost.

2 The opening paragraph of the Constitution clearly sets forth the purpose for which it was framed:

“We, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common