CHAPTER IX THE FREEPORT DOCTRINE CHAP. IX. LincolnDouglas Debates, p. 68. WH HAT has thus far been quoted has been less to illustrate the leading lines of discussion, than to explain more fully the main historical incident of the debates. In the first joint discussion at Ottawa, in the northern or antislavery part of Illinois, Douglas read a series of strong antislavery resolutions which he erroneously alleged Lincoln had taken part in framing and passing. He said: "My object in reading these resolutions was to put the question to Abraham Lincoln this day whether he now stands and will stand by each article in that creed and carry it out. . . I ask Abraham Lincoln to answer these questions in order that when I trot him down to lower Egypt1 I may put the same questions to him.” 2 1 A local nickname by which the southern or pro-slavery portion of Illinois was familiarly known. 2 DOUGLAS'S QUESTIONS AND "Question 1. 'I desire to know Answer. I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the uncon ditional repeal of the fugitiveslave law. Q. 2. 'I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged today, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union even if the people want them?' A. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union. Q. 3. 'I want to know whether he stands pledged against the In preparing a powerful appeal to local prejudice, CHAP. IX. Douglas doubtless knew he was handling a twoedged sword; but we shall see that he little appreciated the skill with which his antagonist would wield the weapon he was placing in his hands. At their second joint meeting, at Freeport, also in northern Illinois, Lincoln, who now had the opening speech, said, referring to Douglas's speech at Ottawa: "I do him no injustice in saying that he occupied at least half of his reply in dealing with me as though I had refused to answer his interrogatories. I now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, upon condition that he will answer questions from me not exceeding the same number. I give him an opportunity to respond. The judge remains silent. I now say that I will answer his interrogatories, whether he answers admission of a new State into the Union with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make?' A. I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make. Q. 4. 'I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?' A. I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Q. 5. 'I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States?' A. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States. Q. 6. 'I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit A. I am impliedly if not ex- Q. 7. 'I desire him to answer A. I am not generally opposed CHAP. IX. mine or not; and that after I have done So, Douglas Debates, p. 87. I shall Lincoln then read his answers to the seven questions which had been asked him, and proposed four in return, the second one of which ran as follows: "Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, prior to the formation of a State constitution?"1 66 To comprehend the full force of this interrogatory, the reader must recall the fact that the popular sovereignty" of the Nebraska bill was couched in vague language, and qualified with the proviso that it was "subject to the Constitution." The caucus which framed this phraseology agreed, as a compromise between Northern and Southern Democrats, that the courts should interpret and define the constitutional limitations, by which all should abide. The Dred Scott decision declared in terms that Congress could not prohibit slavery in Territories nor authorize a Territorial Legislature to do so. The Dred Scott decision had thus annihilated "popular sovereignty." Would Doug 1 LINCOLN'S QUESTIONS. Q. 2. Can the people of a United the formation of a State constitution? Q. 3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting, and following such decision as a rule of political action? Q. 4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard of how such acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question?"- LincolnDouglas Debates, p. 90. las admit his blunder in law, and his error in CHAP. IX. statesmanship? He had already faced and partly evaded this dilemma in his Springfield speech of 1857, but that was a local declaration and occurred before his Lecompton revolt, and the ingenious sophism then put forth had attracted little notice. Since that time things had materially changed. He had opposed Lecompton, become a party recusant, and been declared a party apostate. His Senatorial term was closing, and he had to look to an evenly balanced if not a hostile constituency for reëlection. The Buchanan Administration was putting forth what feeble strength it had in Illinois to insure his defeat. His Democratic rivals were scrutinizing every word he uttered. He stood before the people to whom he had pledged his word that the voters of Kansas might regulate their own domestic concerns. They would tolerate no juggling nor evasion. There remained no resource but to answer Yes, and he could conjure up no justification of such an answer except the hollow subterfuge he had invented the year before. Lincoln clearly enough comprehended the dilemma and predicted the expedient of his antagonist. He had framed his questions and submitted them to a consultation of shrewd party friends. This one especially was the subject of anxious deliberation and serious disagreement. Nearly a month before, Lincoln in a private letter accurately foreshadowed Douglas's course on this question. "You shall have hard work to get him directly to the point whether a Territorial Legislature has or has not the power to exclude slavery. But if you Lincoln to CHAP. IX. succeed in bringing him to it-though he will be compelled to say it possesses no such power-he will instantly take ground that slavery cannot actually exist in the Territories unless the people desire it, and so give it protection by Territorial legislation. If this offends the South, he will let it offend them, as at all events he means to hold on to his chances in Illinois." There is a tradition that on the night preceding this Freeport debate Lincoln was catching a few hours'. rest, at a railroad center named Mendota, to which place the converging trains brought after midnight a number of excited Republican leaders, on their way to attend the great meeting at the neighboring town of Freeport. Notwithstanding the late hour, Mr. Lincoln's bedroom was invaded by an improvised caucus, and the ominous question was once more brought under consideration. The whole drift of advice ran against putting the interrogatory to Douglas; but Lincoln persisted in his determination to force him to answer it. Finally his friends in a chorus cried out, "If you do, you can never be Senator." "Gentlemen,” replied Lincoln, “I am killing larger game; if Douglas answers, he can never be President, and the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this." When Lincoln had finished his opening speech in the Freeport debate, and Douglas in his reply came to interrogatory number two, which Lincoln had propounded, he answered as follows: The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln is, Can the people of a Territory in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits, prior to the formation |