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was, for a very long period, almost entirely carried on in them.

The business of marine insurance was largely and successfully prosecuted at Amsterdam; and the ordinances published in 1551, 1563, and 1570 contain the most judicious regulations for the settlement of such disputes as might arise in conducting this difficult but highly useful business. It is singular, however, notwithstanding the sagacity of the Dutch, and their desire to strengthen industrious habits, that they should have prohibited insurance upon lives. It was reserved for England to show the advantages that might be derived from this beautiful application of the science of probabilities.

Large capital embarked in this business. The skill and economy in all that regarded navigation, variations which are perpetually occurring in the almost the whole carrying trade of Europe. The harvests, early led them to engage very exten- value of the goods exported from France in Dutch sively in a sort of speculative corn trade. When bottoms, towards the middle of the fourteenth the crops happened to be unusually productive, and century, exceeded 40,000,000 livres; and the prices low, they bought and stored up large quanti-commerce of England with the Low Countries ties of grain, in the expectation of profiting by the advance that was sure to take place on the occurrence of an unfavourable year. Repeated efforts were made, in periods when prices were rising, to prevail on the government to prohibit exportation; but they steadily refused to interfere. In consequence of this enlightened policy, Holland has long been the most important European entrepôt for corn; and her markets have on all occasions been furnished with the most abundant supplies. Those scarcities which are so very disastrous in countries without commerce, or where the trade in corn is subjected to fetters and restraints, have not only been totally unknown in Holland, but became a copious source of wealth to her merchants, who then obtained a ready and advantageous vent for the supplies accumulated in their warehouses. Amsterdam,' says Sir Walter Raleigh, is never without 700,000 quarters of corn, none of it of the growth of Holland; and a dearth of only one year in any other part of Europe enriches Holland for seven years. In the course of a year and a half, during a scarcity in England, there were carried away from the ports of Southampton, Bristol, and Exeter alone, nearly 200,0004; and if London and the rest of England be included, there must have been 2,000,000l. more.' (Observations touching Trade and Commerce with the Hollander, Miscel. Works, vol. ii.)

The very well-informed author of the Richesse de la Hollande, published in 1778, observes in allusion to these circumstances, 'Que la disette de grains règne dans les quatre parties du monde; vous trouverez du froment, du seigle, et d'autres grains à Amsterdam; ils n'y manquent jamais.' (Tome i. p. 376.)

In 1690 Sir William Petty estimated the shipping of Europe at about 2,000,000 tons, which he supposed to be distributed as follows: viz. England, 500,000; France, 100,000; Hamburg, Denmark, Sweden, and Dantzic, 250,000; Spain, Portugal, and Italy, 250,000; that of the Seven United Provinces amounting according to him, to 900,000 tons, or to nearly one half of the whole tonnage of Europe! No great dependence can, of course, be placed upon these estimates; but the probability is, that, had they been more accurate, the preponderance in favour of Holland would have been greater than it appears to be; for the official returns to the circulars addressed in 1701 by the commissioners of customs to the officers at the different ports, show that the whole mercantile navy of England amounted at that period to only 261,222 tons, carrying 27,196 men. (Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, anno 1701.)

It may, therefore, be fairly concluded that during the seventeenth century the foreign commerce and navigation of Holland was greater The Bank of Amsterdam was founded in 1609. than that of all Europe besides; and yet the The principal object of this establishment was to country which was the seat of this vast commerce obviate the inconvenience and uncertainty arising had no native produce to export, nor even a piece from the circulation of the coins imported into of timber fit for ship-building. All had been the Amsterdam from all parts of the world. The fruit of industry, economy, and a fortunate combimerchants who carried coin or bullion to the Bank nation of circumstances. obtained credit for an equal value in its books: this was called bank-money; and all considerable payments were effected by writing it off from the account of one individual to that of another. This establishment continued to flourish till the invasion of the French in 1795.

Between the years 1651 and 1672, when the territories of the republic were invaded by the French, the commerce of Holland seems to have reached its greatest height. De Witt estimates its increase from the treaty with Spain, concluded at Munster in 1643, to 1669, at fully a half. He adds, that during the war with Holland, Spain lost the greater part of her naval power; that since the peace, the Dutch had obtained most of the trade to that country, which had been previously carried on by the Hanseatic merchants and the English; that almost all the coasting trade of Spain was carried on by Dutch shipping; that Spain had even been forced to hire Dutch ships to sail to her American possessions; and that so great was the exportation of goods from Holland to Spain, that all the merchandise brought from the Spanish West Indies was not sufficient to make returns for them.

At this period, indeed, the Dutch engrossed, not by means of any artificial monopoly, but by the greater number of their ships, and their superior

Holland owed this vast commerce to a variety of causes: partly to her peculiar situation, the industry and economy of her inhabitants, the comparatively liberal and enlightened system of civil as well as of commercial policy adopted by the republic; and partly also to the wars and disturbances that prevailed in most European countries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and prevented them from emulating the successful career of the Dutch.

The ascendency of Holland as a commercial state began to decline from about the commencement of last century.. After the war terminated by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the attention of the government of Holland was forcibly attracted to the state of the shipping and foreign commerce of the republic. The discovery of the means by which their decline might be arrested, and the trade of the republic, if possible, restored to its ancient flourishing condition, became a prominent object in the speculations of everyone who felt interested in the public welfare. In order to procure the most correct information on the subject, the Stadtholder, William IV., addressed the following queries to all the most extensive and intelligent merchants, desiring them to favour him with their answers:

1. What is the actual state of trade? And if

the same should be found to be diminished and fallen to decay, then, 2. To enquire by what methods the same may be supported and advanced, or, if possible, restored to its former lustre, repute, and dignity?'

'Throughout the whole course of all the persecutions and oppressions that have occurred in other countries, the steady adherence of the republic to this fundamental law has been the cause that many people have not only fled hither for refuge, with their whole stock in ready cash and their most valuable effects, but have also settled, and established many trades, fabrics, manufactories, arts, and sciences in this country, notwithstanding the first materials for the said fabrics and manufactories were almost wholly wanting in it, and not to be procured but at a great expense from foreign parts.

The constitution of our form of government, and the liberty thus accruing to the citizen, are further reasons to which the growth of trade, and its establishment in the republic, may fairly be ascribed; and all her policy and laws are put upon such an equitable footing, that neither life, estates, nor dignities depend on the caprice or arbitrary power of any single individual; nor is there any room for any person, who, by care, frugality, and diligence, has once acquired an affluent fortune or estate, to fear a deprivation of them by any act of violence, oppression, or injustice.

In discussing these questions, the merchants were obliged to enter into an examination, as well of the causes which had raised the commerce of Holland to the high pitch of prosperity to which it had once attained, as of those which had occasioned its subsequent decline. It is stated that, though not of the same opinion upon all points, they, speaking generally, concurred as to those that were most important. When their answers had been obtained, and compared with each other, the Stadtholder had a dissertation prepared from them, and other authentic sources, on the commerce of the republic, to which proposals were subjoined for its amendment. Some of the principles advanced in this dissertation apply to the case of Holland only; but most of them are of universal application, and are not more comprehensive than sound. We doubt, indeed, whether the benefits resulting from religious toleration, political liberty, the security of property, and the freedom of industry, have ever been more clearly set forth than in this disserta- The administration of justice in the country tion. It begins by an enumeration of the causes has, in like manner, always been clear and imwhich contributed to advance the commerce of the partial, and without distinction of superior or inrepublic to its former unexampled prosperity: ferior rank, whether the parties have been rich or these the authors divide into three classes, em-poor, or were this a foreigner and that a native; bracing under the first those that were natural and it were greatly to be wished we could at this and physical; under the second, those they de-day boast of such impartial quickness and despatch nominated moral; and under the third, those in all our legal processes, considering how great which they considered adventitious and external; an influence it has on trade. remarking on them in succession as follows:

'I. The natural and physical causes are the advantages of the situation of the country on the sen and at the mouth of considerable rivers; its situation between the northern and southern parts, which, by being in a manner the centre of all Europe, made the republic become the general market, where the merchants on both sides used to bring their superfluous commodities, in order to barter and exchange the same for other goods they wanted.

Nor have the barrenness of the country, and the necessities of the natives arising from that cause, less contributed to set them upon exerting all their application, industry, and utmost stretch of genius, to fetch from foreign countries what they stand in need of in their own, and to support themselves by trade.

The abundance of fish in the neighbouring seas put them in a condition not only to supply their own occasions, but with the overplus to carry on a trade with foreigners, and out of the produce of the fishery to find an equivalent for what they wanted, through the sterility and narrow boundaries and extent of their own country.

'II. Among the moral and political causes are to be placed, the unalterable maxim and fundamental law relating to the free exercise of different religions; and always to consider this toleration and connivance as the most effectual means to draw foreigners from adjacent countries to settle and reside here, and so become instrumental to the peopling of these provinces.

'To sum up all, amongst the moral and political causes of the former flourishing state of trade may be likewise placed the wisdom and prudence of the administration, the intrepid firmness of the councils, the faithfulness with which treaties and engagements were wont to be fulfilled and ratified, and particularly the care and caution practised to preserve tranquillity and peace, and to decline instead of entering on a scene of war, merely to gratify the ambitious views of gaining fruitless or imaginary conquests.

By these moral and political maxims were the glory and reputation of the republic so far spread, and foreigners animated to place so great a confidence in the steady determinations of a state so wisely and prudently conducted, that a concourse of them stocked this country with an augmentation of inhabitants and useful hands, whereby its trade and opulence were from time to time increased.

'III. Amongst the adventitious and external causes of the rise and flourishing state of our trade may be reckoned—

That at the time when the best and wisest maxims were adopted in the republic as the means of making trade flourish, they were neglected in almost all other countries; and anyone reading the history of those times may easily discover that the persecutions on account of religion, throughout Spain, Brabant, Flanders, and many other states and kingdoms, have powerfully promoted the establishment of commerce in the republic.

To this happy result, and the settling of manufacturers in our country, the long continuance of the civil wars in France, which were afterwards carried on in Germany, England, and divers other parts, has also very much contributed.

'The constant policy of the republic to make this country a perpetual, safe, and secure asylum | for any persecuted and oppressed strangers. No alliance, no treaty, no regard for or solicitation of any potentate whatever, has at any time It must be added, in the last place, that during been able to weaken or destroy this law, or make our most burdensome and heavy wars with Spain the state recede from protecting those who have and Portugal (however ruinous that period was for fled to it for their own security and self-preserv-commerce otherwise), these powers had both neation. glected their navy; whilst the navy of the re

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public, by a conduct directly the reverse, was at | and England. The necessities of the state led to the same time formidable, and in a capacity not the imposition of taxes on corn, on flour when it only to protect the trade of its own subjects, but was ground at the mill, and on bread when it came to annoy and crush that of their enemies in all from the oven; on butter, and fish, and fruit; on quarters.' (The Dissertation was translated into income and legacies; the sale of houses; and, in English, and published at London in 1751. We short, almost every article of either necessity or have quoted from the translation.) convenience. Sir William Temple mentions that in his time-and taxes were greatly increased afterwards-one fish sauce was in common use, which directly paid no fewer than thirty different duties of excise; and it was a common saying at Amsterdam, that every dish of fish brought to table was paid for once to the fisherman, and six times to the state.

We believe our readers will agree with us in thinking that these statements reflect the greatest credit on the merchants and government of Holland. Nothing, as it appears to us, could be conceived more judicious than the account they give of the causes which principally contributed to render Holland a great commercial commonwealth. The central situation of the country, its The pernicious influence of this heavy taxation command of some of the principal inlets to the has been ably set forth by the author of the Continent, and the necessity under which the Richesse de la Hollande, and other well-informed inhabitants have been placed, in consequence of writers; and it has also been very forcibly pointed the barrenness of the soil and its liability to be out in the Dissertation already referred to, drawn overflowed, to exert all their industry and enter-up from the communications of the Dutch merprise, are circumstances that seem to be in a chants. 'Oppressive taxes,' it is there stated, great degree peculiar in Holland. But though must be placed at the head of all the causes that there can be no doubt that their influence has have co-operated to the prejudice and discoubeen very considerable, no one will pretend to say ragement of trade; and it may be justly said, that it is to be compared for a moment with the that it can only be attributed to them that the influence of those free institutions which, fortu- trade of this country has been diverted out of its nately, are not the exclusive attributes of any par- channel and transferred to our neighbours, and ticular country, but have flourished in Phoenicia, must daily be still more and more alienated and Greece, England, and America, as well as in shut out from us, unless the progress thereof be Holland. stopped by some quick and effectual remedy: nor is it difficult to see, from these contemplations on the state of our trade, that the same will be effected by no other means than a diminution of all duties.

'In former times this was reckoned the only trading state in Europe; and foreigners were content to pay the taxes, as well on the goods they brought hither, as on those they came here to buy; without examining whether they could evade or save them, by fetching the goods from the places where they were produced, and carrying others to the places where they were consumed: in short, they paid us our taxes with pleasure, without any further enquiry.

Many dissertations have been written to account for the decline of the commerce of Holland. But, if we mistake not, its leading causes may be classed under two prominent heads: viz, first, the natural growth of commerce and navigation in other countries; and, second, the weight of taxation at home. During the period when the republic rose to great eminence as a commercial state, England, France, and Spain, distracted by civil and religious dissensions, or engrossed wholly by schemes of foreign conquest, were unable to apply their energies to the cultivation of commerce, or to withstand the competition of so industrious a people as the Dutch. They, therefore, were under the necessity of allowing the greater part of their 'But, since the last century, the system of trade foreign, and even of their coasting trade, to be is altered all over Europe: foreign nations, seeing carried on in Dutch bottoms, and under the super- the wonderful effect of our trade, and to what an intendence of Dutch factors. But after the ac-eminence we had risen only by means thereof, cession of Louis XIV. and the ascendency of Cromwell had put an end to internal commotions in France and England, the energies of these two great nations began to be directed to pursuits of which the Dutch had hitherto enjoyed almost a monopoly. It was not to be supposed that when tranquillity and a regular system of government had been established in France and England, their active and enterprising inhabitants would submit to see one of their most valuable branches of industry in the hands of the foreigners. The Dutch ceased to be the carriers of Europe, without any fault of their own. Their performance of that function necessarily terminated as soon as other nations became possessed of a mercantile marine, and were able to do for themselves what had previously been done for them by their neighbours.

Whatever, therefore, might have been the condition of Holland in other respects, the natural advance of rival nations must inevitably have stripped her of a large portion of the commerce she once possessed. But the progress of decline seems to have been considerably accelerated, or rather, perhaps, the efforts to arrest it were rendered ineffectual, by the extremely heavy taxation to which she was subjected, occasioned by the unavoidable expenses incurred in the revolutionary struggle with Spain, and the subsequent wars with France

they did likewise apply themselves to it; and, to save our duties, sent their superfluous products beside our country, to the places where they are most consumed; and in return for the same, furnished themselves from the first hands with what they wanted.'

But, notwithstanding this authoritative exposition of the pernicious effects resulting from the excess of taxation, the necessary expenses of the state were so great as to render it impossible to make any sufficient reductions. And, with the exception of the transit trade carried on through the Rhine and Meuse, which is in a great measure independent of foreign competition, and the American trade, most of the other branches of the foreign trade of Holland, though still very considerable, continue in a comparatively depressed


In consequence principally of the oppressiveness of taxation, but partly, too, of the excessive accumulation of capital that had taken place, while the Dutch engrossed the carrying trade of Europe, profits in Holland were reduced towards the middle of the seventeenth century, and have ever since continued extremely low. This circumstance would of itself have sapped the foundations of her commercial greatness. Her capitalists, who could hardly expect to clear more than 2 or 3 per cent. of net profit by any sort of undertaking carried on


In despite, however, of the East India monopoly, and the regulations now described, the commercial policy of Holland has been more liberal than that of any other nation. And in consequence, a country not more extensive than Wales. and naturally not more fertile, conquered, indeed, in great measure from the sea, from the irruptions of which it is defended by immense dykes, conaccumulated a population of upwards of two millions; has maintained wars of unexampled duration with the most powerful monarchies : and, besides laying out immense sums in works of utility and ornament at home, has been enabled to lend hundreds of millions to foreigners. To those who consider what intelligence, industry, and perseverance have done for Holland, the ingenious epigram of Pitcairn will not appear extravagant:

at home, were tempted to vest their capital in | had government wisely declined interfering in the other countries, and to speculate in loans to foreign governments. There are the best reasons for thinking that the Dutch were, until very lately, the largest creditors of any nation in Europe. It is impossible, indeed, to form any accurate estimate of what the sums owing them by foreigners previously to the late French war, or at present, may amount to; but there can be no doubt that at the former period the amount was immense, and that it is still very considerable. M. Demeunier (Dic-structed and kept up at a vast expense, had tionnaire de l'Economie Politique, tom. iii. p. 720) states the amount of capital lent by the Dutch to foreign governments, exclusive of the large sums lent to France during the American war, at seventythree millions sterling. According to the author of the Richesse de la Hollande (ii. p. 292), the sums lent to France and England only, previously to 1778, amounted to 1,500,000 livres tournois, or 60,000,000l. sterling. And besides these, vast sums were lent to private individuals in foreign countries, both regularly as loans at interest, and in the shape of goods advanced at long credits. So great was the difficulty of finding an advantageous investment for money in Holland, that Sir William Temple mentions, that the payment of any part of the national debt was looked upon by the creditors as an evil of the first magnitude. They receive it,' says he, 'with tears, not knowing how to dispose of it to interest with such safety

and ease.'

Among the subordinate causes which contributed to the decline of Dutch commerce, or which have, at all events, prevented its growth, we may reckon the circumstance of the commerce with India having been subjected to the trammels of monopoly. De Witt expresses his firm conviction, that the abolition of the East India Company would have added very greatly to the trade with the East; and no doubt can now remain in the mind of anyone, that such would have been the case. (For proofs of this, see the article on the commerce of Holland in the Edinburgh Review, No. CII., from which most of these statements have been taken.) The interference of the administration in regulating the mode in which some of the most important branches of industry should be carried on, seems also to have been exceedingly injurious. Every proceeding with respect to the herring fishery, for example, was regulated by the orders of government, carried into effect under the inspection of officers appointed for that purpose. Some of these regulations were exceedingly vexatious. The period when the fishery might begin was fixed at five minutes past twelve o'clock of the night of June 24! and the master and pilot of every vessel leaving Holland for the fishery were obliged to make oath that they would respect the regulation. The species of salt to be made use of in curing different sorts of herrings was also fixed by law; and there were endless regulations with respect to the size of the barrels, the number and thickness of the staves of which they were to be made; the gutting and packing of the herrings; the branding of the barrels, &c. &c. (Histoire des Pêches &c. dans les Mers du Nord, tom. i, ch. xxiv.) These regulations were intended to secure to the Hollanders that superiority which they had early attained in the fishery, and to prevent the reputation of their herrings from being injured by the bad faith of individuals. But their real effect was precisely the reverse of this. By tying up the fishers to a system of routine, they prevented them from making any improvements; while the facility of counterfeiting the public marks opened a much wider door to fraud than would have been opened


Tellurem fecere Dii, sua littora Belg.
Immensæque fuit molis uterque labos.
Dii vacuo sparsas glomerârunt æthere terras,
Nil ubi quod cœptis possit obesse fuit.
Ast Belgis maria, et celi, naturaque rerum
Obstitit; obstantes hi domuêre Deos.

(Selecta Poemata Pitcairni, Edinburgi, 1727, p. 3.
Though he has not copied, Pitcairn, no doubt,
had in his recollection the famous epigram of
Sannazarius on Venice: see the article on that

During the occupation of Holland by the French, first as a dependent state, and subsequently as an integral part of the French empire, her foreign trade was almost entirely destroyed. Her colonies were successively conquered by England; and, in addition to the loss of her trade, she was burdened with fresh taxes. But such was the vast accumulated wealth of the Dutch, their prudence, and energy, that the influence of these adverse circumstances was far less injurious than could have been imagined; and, notwithstanding all the losses she had sustained, and the long interruption of her commercial pursuits. Holland continued, at her emancipation from the yoke of the French in 1814, to be the richest country in Europe! Java, the Moluccas, and most of her other colonies were then restored, and she is now in the enjoyment of a large foreign trade. Her connection with Belgium was an unfortunate one for both countries. The union was not agreeable to either party, and was injurious to Holland. Belgium was an agricultural and manufacturing country; and was inclined, in imitation of the French, to lay restrictions on the importation of most sorts of raw and manufactured produce. A policy of this sort was directly opposed to the interests and the ancient practice of the Dutch. But though their deputies prevented the restrictive system from being carried to the extent proposed by the Belgians, they were unable to prevent it from being carried on to an extent that materially affected the trade of Holland. Whatever, therefore, may be the consequences as to Belgium, there can be little doubt that the separation of the two divisions of the kingdom of the Netherlands will redound to the advantage of Holland. It must ever be for the interest of England, America, and all trading nations, to maintain the independence of a state by whose means their productions find a ready access to the great continental markets. It is to be hoped that the Dutch, profiting by past experience, will adopt such a liberal and conciliatory system towards the natives of Java, as may enable them to avail themselves to the full of the various resources of that noble island. And if

they do this, and freely open their ports, with as few restrictions as possible, to the ships and commodities of all countries, Holland may still be the centre of a very extensive commerce, and may continue to preserve a respectable place among mercantile nations. Even at this moment, after all the vicissitudes they have undergone, the Dutch are, beyond all question, the most opulent and industrious of European nations. And their present, no less than their former state, shows that a free system of government, security, and the absence of restrictions on industry, can overcome almost every obstacle; can convert the standing pool and lake into fat meadows, cover the barren rock with verdure, and make the desert smile with flowers.'

ANCHORAGE or ANCHORING GROUND. Good anchoring ground should neither be too hard nor too soft; for, in the first case, the anchor is apt not to take a sufficient hold, and in the other to drag. The best bottom is a stiff clay, and next to it a firm sand. In a rocky bottom the flukes of the anchor are sometimes torn away, and hempen cables are liable to chafe, and be cut through. It is also essential to a good anchorage that the water be neither too deep nor too shallow. When too deep, the pull of the cable, being nearly perpendicular, is apt to jerk the anchor out of the ground; and when too shallow, the ship is exposed to the danger, when riding in a storm, of striking the bottom. Where a ship is in water that is land-locked, and out of the tide, the nature of the ground is of comparatively little importance.

In most harbours and roadsteads the places where ships may anchor are pointed out, and all masters are bound, except when compelled by stress of weather to act otherwise, to obey the directions that may be given them in respect to anchoring by the harbour-master or other parties in authority. In some roadsteads a peculiar locality is appropriated for the use of Her Majesty's ships, and merchant ships are generally prohibited, under considerable penalties, from anchoring in such locality.

Anchorage also means a duty laid on ships for the use of the port or harbour.

ANCHORS AND CABLES (Fr. ancre; Lat. anchora; Gr. άykupa; Ger. anker; Span. ancla-ancora; Port. ancora; Ital, ancora). Are used in mooring ships. The common anchor consists of a main piece or shank crossed at the lower end by the arms, and at the upper end by the stock. The stock and the arms are placed at right angles to each other, and a ring is shut or riveted to the upper end of the stock. To this ring the cable is attached. This instrument is of great antiquity, The old Admiralty anchor differs but little from the anchor described by Pliny. Swivel anchors, such as Porter's and Trotman's, are of comparatively recent date.

Law and practice respecting anchors.-Every manufacturer of anchors shall, in case of each anchor which he manufactures, mark in legible characters on the crown and also on the shank under the stock his name and initials, with the addition of a progressive number and the weight of such anchor; and if he makes default in doing so he shall for each offence incur a penalty not exceeding 54 (Merchant Shipping Act, 1845, 8. 483.)

No ship is deemed seaworthy unless she be provided with suitable anchors and cables; and any deficiency in this respect has the same legal effect as if it were in the hull or rigging.

Vessels anchoring in a river or other narrow channel are bound to mark the situation of their

anchors by buoys; for if they do not, and other vessels be injured by coming in contact with them, they will have to make good the damage.(Abbott by Shee, p. 307, ed. 1854.)

When cables are cut or anchors cast away to avoid imminent danger, they become the subjects of general average.

The most important provisions of the Chain Cables and Anchors Act, 1864, 27 & 28 Vict. c. 27, are the following:

Sec. 2. Licenses to be granted by Board of Trade to persons called testers.

Sec. 7. Testers to subject such anchors, &c. to the same trials as those to which similar implements in the navy are put, and stamp them.

Sec. 8. Certain charges for the service. Sec. 11. From July 1, 1865, anchors, &c. must be tested before sale. Penalty, 50%.

Sec. 12. Penalties on fraud not more than 2 years, with or without hard labour, or with or without solitary confinement.

The following are the general conditions to be complied with by owners of proving establishments in order to obtain licenses under the Act.

1. The machine shall be constructed to test not more than 15 fathoms at one time.

2. In hydraulic machines the cylinder shall be sufficiently long to allow of 15 fathoms of chain being tested without the necessity for taking a fresh hold to complete the strain.

3. The apparatus shall be provided with levers and dead weight sufficient to test the accuracy of the machine and the strain actually applied to the cable. In hydraulic machines these levers and dead weight shall range to 25 per cent. of the full power of the machine, and shall be fitted in addition to the gun metal plunger and pressure gauges ordinarily fitted. In other than hydraulic machines the levers and dead weight shall range to the full power of the machine.

4. In hydraulic machines an indicator shall be fitted to show the strain at which a chain breaks.

5. An examining bench of proper height shall be provided in a light place for the purpose of examining the chains after they are tested, and before they are blacked.

6. The machine shall be so arranged that the workmen employed at and near to it shall be in no danger from the fragments of links that fly about when a cable breaks.

7. Where there is more than one machine in an establishment, the whole of them must be licensed if one of them is.

Although the Board of Trade will not refuse to license any machine simply on account of the proportions of the levers and knife edges named below not being observed, they recommend that in all future machines those proportions should be adopted.

8. The leverage of the lever apparatus to be attached to hydraulic machines (referred to in paragraph 3 above) should not exceed the proportion of 100 to 1.

9. In the lever apparatus to be attached to hydraulic machines (referred to in paragraph 3 above) the distance between the two centres of each lever should not be less than 4 inches in machines for testing up to 100 tons, and not less than 8 inches in machines for testing up to 200 tons, and not less than 12 inches in machines for testing up to 300 tons.

10. The length of the knife edges should not be less than at the rate of one inch for every five tons of pressure upon them, and the form of the knife edge should be in conformity with a pattern approved by the Board of Trade.

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