way be compressed into a very narrow space, the entire dramatic projection and represenby connecting the series of such extracts tation of Socrates in the pages of Plato to be with a brief summary of the topics and ar- one of the most wonderful efforts of the huguments which fill up the intervals. To man mind. In studying him, it is impossithe majority of readers such a mode of pre-ble that his character as a teacher of ethics, senting many parts of the longer and more and his life-like mode of representation, difficult dialogues would be even more in- should not suggest to us another character, telligible, and far less tedious, than an entire yet more wonderfully depicted, and by the translation; for it must be confessed that same most difficult of all methods, that of what Gibbon too summarily calls the ver- dramatic evolution by discourse and action; bal argumentation' of Socrates, and the pro- of one, who taught a still purer, sublimer, fuse and often prolix illustrations, are a little and more consistent ethics, pervaded by a apt to weary the patience of any reader, more intense spirit of humanity; of one, who is not either a philosopher or a scholar whose love for our race was infinitely deepSuch a work as we venture to sketcher and more tender; who stands perfectly would a little resemble Van Heusde's enter-free from those foibles which history attritaining volumes entitled 'Initia Philosophia butes to the real Socrates, and from that too Platonicæ.' We beg to suggest to Mr. Protean facility of manners which, though Knight, whether it might not form two or designed by Plato as a compliment to the three volumes of his popular series, and we philosophic flexibility of his character of should certainly felicitate both him and our- Socrates, really-so far assimilated him with selves, if he could prevail on the same ac-mere vulgar humanity; of one, too, whose complished scholar who has recently given sublime and original character is not only us such admirable translations of some of exhibited with the most wonderful dramatic the lives of Plutarch, illustrative of the skill, but in a style as unique as the characCivil Wars of Rome, to attempt its execu- ter it embodies-a s'yle of simple majesty, tion. Or if the task of compilation be too which, unlike that of Plato, is capable of tedious for scholars so capable of better being readily translated into every language things, might not two or three combine for under heaven; of one, whose life was the the purpose, each taking distinct dialogues? embodiment of that virtue which Plato afOne or two scenes from the Gorgias' are firmed would entrance all hearts, if seen, appended to the second volume of Mr. and whose death throws the prison scenes of Lewes' manual of the history of philosophy; the Phædo utterly into the shade; of one, and, though necessarily compressed, they lastly, whose picture has arrested the admirare translated with so much spirit, that we ing gaze of many who have believed it to be hope their unknown author might be per- only a picture. Now, if we feel that the suaded to join the party. Is it too much to portraiture of Socrates in the pages of Plato expect some such tribute from the modern involved the very highest exercise of the scholarship of England to the memory of highest dramatic genius, and that the cause the great master of the Academy, who has was no more than commensurate with the hitherto been so inadequately treated by effect, it is a question which may well occuEnglish translators? Nothing can be more py the attention of a ph loopher, how it true than the following sentences from the came to pass that, in one of the obscurest article on Thomas Taylor inserted in the periods of the history of an obscure people, 'Penny Cyclopædia :''It seems that our in the dregs of their Iterature and the professed scholars have not done their duty lowest depths of superstitious dotage, so to the public: if they had given us good sublime a conception should have been so translations with their own annotations, the sublimely exhibited; Low it was that the labors of Mr. Taylor would not have been noblest truths found an oracle in the lips of called for. . . . There are important works the grossest ignorance, and the maxims of yet untranslated, and there are many trans-universal charity, advocates in the hearts of lations which are disgraceful to the literary the most selfish of narrow-minded bigots; in character of our country; it is time then that a word, who could be the more than Plato our scholars should look to these matters, and see that things which must and will be done, be done well.'

But we must conclude, and we will do so with a single remark. We certainly hold VOL. XIV. No. II. 17

(or rather the many, each more than Plato) who drew that radiant portrait, of which it may be truly said "that a far greater than Socrates is there?"

From the New Monthly Magazine.

PRINCE METTERNICH.

THE Austrian empire has long been the The Austrian national character is markmost remarkable phenomenon of the poli-ed by the same features as that of the tical world. That empire, so populous and German nation at large. Sincerity, fidelfertile, has ever wanted, in the highest de-ity, industry, and a love of order, are congree, that consonance of national manners, spicuous in them, and would long since and that congeniality of national feeling, have entitled them to fill a distinguished which are so essential to ease in governing, rank in the scale of European civilization, and which have so long formed the strength had not their beneficial operation been of Great Britain and France. Hungary counteracted by a deficient system of eduand Bohemia, which form so large a por- cation, an illiterate priesthood, and a station of the imperial dominions, have little tionary government. Madame de Staël connexion or conformity with each other, has said of the Germans, that they are a just, and still less with the remote provinces of constant, and sincere people, "divided by Galicia or Lombardy. the sternness of feudal demarkation, into According, however, as this is the case, an unlettered nobility, unpolished scholars, so much greater is the credit due to the and a depressed commonalty." This does. paternal government, and to the wise mi- not coincide with the impressions we have nister who has been enabled so long to pre- derived from several visits to Austria in serve such discordant materials in that con- modern times. We have seen nothing but trol which is essential to happiness and a happy country, with no signs of that prosperity. The long period of tranquillity striking contrast betwixt poverty and riches and safety enjoyed by the various popula- which offends the eye so much in our othertions of Austria, is the noblest monument wise favored island. All the inhabitants, that could be imagined to commemorate Prince Metternich's labors; and, whatever happens, that memorial of his wisdom and of his success, must ever be enrolled in the pages of history.

It is much to be regretted, for the cause of a steady, in opposition to a rash progress, that as abuse creeps into all things human, the long success of the old system, and the natural antagonism that must always arise between age and youth, between growing principles and decaying powers; should have delayed such slight constitutional reforms in this colossal empire as would have obviated impatience and insistance on the part of the people. The evil of prolonged resistance, is that it originates insurrection, and that then those demands, which in their first form were of an exceedingly moderate and constitutional character, are apt to assume a revolutionary and anarchical aspect. It is not that the excesses of democracy are to be anticipated in Austria, to manifest themselves in the form they assume in France. Both the character of the Government and of the people is quite different; but, unluckily, the nature of the government differs in the separate kingdoms of which the empire is made up, and the character of the people differs very widely among themselves.

those of the capital excepted, appeared to enjoy that happy mediocrity which is the consequence of a gentle and wise administration. It is to be hoped it will be very long ere the Austrian states dream of throwing off their allegiance to one of the oldest and noblest houses of Europe; one which has obtained for them the power, happiness, and prosperity, which they have so long enjoyed; and one which has so exalted their national character, as to have given fourteen emperors to Germany, besides six kings to Spain, and to have once stood first on the list of European sovereignties.

That the Imperial power in Austria is in danger, from the ever-stirring spirit of democracy, and that this danger is increased by the diversity of its governments and people, there is no doubt. Democracy is the great moving power among mankind. It is one of the most active elements which work out the progress of the moral world, and general government of Providence. Aristocracy is, on the other hand, the controlling and regulating power. As democracy and the lust of conquest is the moving, so aristocracy and attachment to property are the steadying powers of nature. Nor is Austria wanting in this power, or deficient in this great element of national stability.

Alison, in his "History of Europe," ment of the constitution. The Hungarian makes a very ingenious remark, that the nobility were like their brethren in France, reasonings of the learned, the declamations, until 1785, exempted from all taxes, and of the ardent, the visions of the philanthro- they claimed this exemption as an hereditpic, have generally been rather directed ary right, and an inviolable privilege. But, against the oppression of sovereigns, or in 1785, they were subjected to a landnobles, than the madness of the people. tax in common with the other subjects of This, he justly remarks, affords the most the Austrian Empire; and as no levies decisive demonstration, that the evils flow- could be made without their consent, nor ing from the latter are much greater, and supplies granted, this circumstance operatmore acute than those which have originated ed much against the house of Austria in its with the former; for it proves that the struggles against France. former have been so tolerable as to have The States of Hungary are composed of long existed, and therefore have been long prelates, the higher nobility, the lesser complained of; whereas, those springing nobility, and the deputies of the boroughs. from the latter have been intolerable, and The nobility possessed formerly the sole speedily led to their own abolition. title to holding land and to public appoint

Nothing could be more applicable than ments, but this is now disputed by the free this remark to the wise and moderate go-towns, which can do what an individual who vernment of Prince Metternich. It is im- is not of the nobility cannot do-that is, sue possible to understand or to appreciate the or bring an action against a nobleman, and principle on which it was founded without can possess or uphold a citizen in the posentering into details concerning the incon- session of land without a title to nobility. gruous political conditions of the different The emperor, who must swear to the conkingdoms of which the Austrian Empire stitution in presence of the people in the was made up of, which would carry us far open air, when he receives from the hands beyond any moderate limits. The Aus- of the primate the crown of St. Stephen, is trian Empire contains a greater variety of the constitutional president of the Diet, but populations than any other country in he generally delegates the representation to Europe. Germans, Slavonians, Wallachi- one of the archdukes, who is called Prince ans, Hungarians, Poles, Bohemians, Croa- Palatine. Although the actual Palatinetians, Italians, and other tribes, form a the Archduke Stephen forfeited for a time medley population-all differing in their much of his popularity by attempting so manners, languages, religion, and customs grave a coup d'état as the dissolution of the -mutually strangers to each other, and Diet, there are still hopes that the people having opposite views, interests, and con- who so bravely upheld Maria Theresa on the stitutions. The Hungarians, Slavonians, throne of her ancestors, will not prefer a Croatians, and Transylvanians, are as dif- feudal tyranny or democratic anarchy, to a ferent from the Austrians, and these, in wise and tempered monarchical constitution. their turn, from the Bohemians, as the The Bohemians, who are of Slavonic oriBritish are from the French and Spaniards. gin, are, it is well known, more partial to It is this variety of population, this diver- the Hungarians than to the Austrians or sity of language and manners, this collision | Germans. The power of the sovereign has of interests and opinions, that so long pre- been hitherto much greater in Bohemia vented the Austrian Empire from exerting than in Hungary, for it comprised the leher whole collected strength, and becom- gislative as well as the executive departing a match for the power of France. Hun- ment. Bohemia is the most flourishing of gary which, with Transylvania, contains as all the Austrian provinces, whether we look large a population as the Prussian monar- to education or to the labors of productive chy, did not, for example, at the downfall industry. It is also essentially the country of Vienna, supply Austria with more than of Protestantism. Prague was the city of 100,000 men, when Prussia had a well-ap- Jerome and of John Huss. The Bohemians pointed army of 230,000 infantry, and demand with the rest of the Austrian Ger34,000 cavalry. The reason of this lay in man States, reforms in the system of adthe circumstance of the Hungarian govern-ministration, national rights, freedom of the ment being a powerful feudal aristocracy, press, an increase of provincial liberties, who deem every measure which the Impe- and above all, the expulsion of a horde of rial Government takes against them, with- public functionaries who are the bane and out the consent of the states, an infringe-the curse of the Austrian Empire; but

there is every reason to believe and to hope all, more national institutions. It is true that the efficacy of regular habits, and of a that a despotic government may consider compact, educated, and thinking popula- the granting these as opening the floodgates tion, will preserve Bohemia from the evils of of democracy. But this is not always the democracy or from a dismemberment from case. Early concessions may most effectthat paternal government which is at the ually ward off anarchy. The states which present moment almost solely upheld in might still be inclined to wait until a systhe seat of its power by the affections of the tem of government could be devised which people. might conciliate their common interests and their separate institutions, may, if long resisted, enforce their demands at all hazards to the empire.

Austria, Silesia, Moravia, and Transylvania, are nearly similarly circumstanced as Bohemia, only that the latter is far behind hand in point of civilization, the chief com- That Prince Metternich has already remerce being still in the hands of Greeks lied too long on the torpor of the capital and Armenians. In Galicia, or Austrian that the imperial government has been Poland, the common people are in conse- too long rocked by the comfortable assurquence of their ancient political bondage, ance, that all popular movements only ignorant, idle, dirty, and oppressed in the came to expire at the gates of Vienna, rehighest degree. The lower nobility are cent events have now fully shown. It only scarcely to be distinguished from the remains then by early concessions to win peasants; and the higher nobility, when the popular confidence and to command the refined and educated, partake more of the popular affections. Sometime back an French character than of the solidity of the author before quoted-Alison-said, “No Germans. There is not much room here community need be afraid of going far for the working of constitutional reform; astray which treads in the footsteps of Galicia wants as yet many of the most Rome and England." And the same aumaterial elements of civilization before it thor, who believes that all efforts at social can think of self-government. It is need- amelioration will be ultimately shattered by less to enter into the condition of the other that principle of human corruption which Austrian States. At the present moment always comes in to blast the best hopes of national rights, and provincial liberties, are the friend of humanity, still takes a just the foremost objects with all classes of the pride in that superior love of moderation population. The intensity of this feeling and order which so pre-eminently distinis increased to an extent of which we can guishes this country, and which not having scarcely form an idea, by the existence in failed at this crisis, ought surely now by these old feudal countries of seignorial dues, that history which is "philosophy teaching of a system of forced labor and other rem- by examples" attest to the continental nants of barbarous times, long since extinct in western Europe, but which in Wurtemberg and Galicia have already produced a peasant's war, and which now threaten all Austrian Germany with a formidable agrarian agitation.

states that a constitutional monarchy is the most solid of all political fabrics; and the one which, by opening to the people legal and constitutional modes of redress, is most effectually opposed to the excesses of democratic turbulence and anarchy.

In Lombardy, there is every reason to Of the few great ministers whose functions believe that Austrian domination must give have been extended to almost the utmost way before the aroused sentiment of nation- limits of absolute power, and at the same ality. There was only one to whom the time have been protracted beyond the ordipeople of Italy looked to after Pius IX., to nary duration of human life-who have support them in an effort for national lived in the long and secure administration regeneration, and that was the king of the of one of the greatest empires of the earth, men of Piedmont and Savoy. Nor has and who retained that high and responsible Charles Albert disappointed their hopes: position amidst events of infinite magnitude backed by the Republic of France, he has and variety-none are so remarkable nor gallantly thrown himself into the field of more illustrious, than Prince Metternich. contest with the Emperor of Germany. In Prince Metternich was born at Coblentz, Austria Proper, by espousing the cause of a timely reform, much may yet be done. All that Austria demands is more political frecdom, less administrative control, and above

on the 15th of May, 1773, of an ancient house, which had in former ages, given more than one elector to the Archbishoprics of Mayence and of Treves. The career of

the young diplomatist, for he appears to Prince Metternich, who was then in his have been born to the profession, commenc- forty-second year, was chosen, upon the ed at the Congress of Radstadt, and he rose opening of the Congress of Vienna, to prein it with such rapidity, that in 1806, after side over its deliberations; and this species the conclusion of the peace at Presburg, he of presidency in the diplomatic affairs of was elected for the important post of Aus- Europe is generally admitted to have been trian ambassador in Paris. Upon the de- conceded to the illustrious diplomatist, as claration of war in 1809, he hastened to join much out of deference to his personal abithe imperial Court, which had taken refuge, lities, as out of consideration for his being after the battle of Wagram, at the fortress the representative of the imperial court. of Komorn, in Hungary. Metternich was With no principle was Prince Metternich at this eventful period appointed to succeed more thoroughly imbued, than with the disCount Stadion as Minister of foreign affairs, astrous effects of democratic influences on soand he inaugurated his ministerial power ciety. In this he was seconded by his able by concluding a treaty far less humiliating colleague, Gentz. The consequence was, that than was anticipated, and the cause for the promises of constitutional liberty and which only became public when the rising of national unity, advocated by Stein, Hardiplomatist was heard to be on his way to denburg, and a few others, received no deParis, with the daughter of the Emperor of velopment at the Congress of Vienna. The Germany, as a sacrifice to the imperial power national opinion on a free constitution, as of France. But although Metternich thus expressed by the most eminent jurists and completed with his own hands the not very philosophers of Germany, demanded nothing exalted task which he had undertaken, it is more than what has long existed in this certain that he ever entertained a strong country-representative assemblies investdislike and hatred to the representative of ed with true legislative power, the judicial the French Republic. institution of jury trial, and the freedom of

It was not, however, till the fortunes of the press. In the act of the German confeNapoleon were on the decline, that Metter- deracy, concluded at the Congress of Vinich ventured to show these feelings. When enna, it was enacted that, "in all states of the flower of the French army had perished in the confederacy, a representative constituRussia, when Alexander was resolved upon tion is to take place." But the moment of reprisals, when the King of Prussia had been danger past, the rulers forgot their promises, roused to resistance, and even the French or at least took care never to fulfil them. marshal, Bernadotte, then Crown Prince of In the natural horror of democratic excesses, Sweden, had with singular ingratitude leagu- Austria, especially, has hitherto always ed against his master-then alone was Prince avoided allowing the slightest admixture of Schwarzenburg sent forth, not only at the popular rights with a purely aristocratic and head of the Austrian force, but in command imperial form of government. of the whole imperial army. We had occasion With such a diversity of forms of governonly lately, in a notice of M. Tourgeneff's ment, as Prince Metternich was called upon interesting memoirs in the New Monthly to mould to the desired form; the task was Magazine, to detail, at length, how the im- one of a most formidable character. Still petuosity of Alexander had always to take he proceeded in his legislative labors with the lead of the prudential tactics of the such steady and vigorous energy, that he Austrian general, and how little the policy not only overcame all obstacles, but for a of Metternich did really second that of the long time he obtained for the system of the Steins and Hardenburgs of the day. The Austrian cabinet an indisputable supremacy battle of Leipsic, however, by establishing over the councils of Europe. the freedom of Germany, won for the diplo- The struggle for the independence of matist the dignity of prince of the empire. Greece, and the intervention of the ChrisPrince Metternich took a prominent and tian powers in favor of that oppressed naactive part in the conferences and negotia- tion, for the first time placed the policy of tions which preceded and accompanied the Prince Metternich at variance with that of invasion of France by the Allied Armies. the western states of Europe. It was proHe signed the treaty of Paris by which Ger- bably owing to this circumstance that Ausmany was made a league of independent tria did not exhibit more national or impestates, and he proceeded thence to England, rial energy when Russia was allowed, at the upon which occasion the University of Ox- conclusion of the war with Turkey, to estabford conferred on him an honorary degree. lish its ascendency in Moldavia and Walla