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which he had imbibed from her meridian. Next to him in power was Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, after whom the bishop of Worcester was the moft confiderable man of the party; to whom were added the bihops of Ely, Rochefter, Hereford, Salisbury, and St. David's. On the other hand, the popish party was headed by Lee, archbishop of York, Gardiner, Stokesley and Tunftal, bis fhops of Winchefter, London, and Durham. The convocation was opened as ufual by an oration, spoken at the appointment of Cranmer, by the bishop of Worcester, whofe eloquence was at this time every-where famous. Many warm debates paffed in this affembly; the refult whereof was, that. four facraments out of the feven were concluded to be infignificant : but, as the bishop of Worcester made no figure in them, (for debating was not his talent) it is befide our purpose to enter into a detail of what was done in it. Many alterations were made in favour of the reformation; and, a few months after, in 1537, the Bible, was, tran flated into English, and recommend ed to a general perufal..

youth. Cromwell raifed our preacher till higher in her cfteem; and they both joined in an earnest recommendation of him for a bifhopric to the king, who did not want much folicitation in his favour. The fee of Worcester being vacant, was offered to Latimer; and as this promotion came unexpectedly to him, he locked upon it as the work of Providence, and accepted it without much perfuafion. All historians mention him as a perfon remarkably zealous in the difcharge of his new office; and tel us, that, in infpecting the conduct of the clergy of his diocete, he was uncommonly active, warm, and refolute, and prefided in his ecclefiaftical court in the fame fpirit. Thus far he could act with authority; but in other things he found himfelf under difficulties. The popifh ceremonies gave him great offence: yet he neither durft, in times fo dangerous and unfettled, lay them entirely afide; nor, on the other hard, was he willing entirely to retain them. In this dilemma, his addrefs was admirable he inquired into their origin; and when he found any of them derived from a good meaning, he inculcated their criginal, though itfelf a corruption, in the room of a more corrupt practice. Thus, he put the people in mind, when holy bread and water were diftributed, that these elements, which had long been thought endowed with a kind of magical influence, were nothing more than appendages to the two facraments of the Lord's-Supper and Baptifm: the former, he faid, reminded us of Chrift's death; and the latter was only a fimple reprefentation of being purified from fin. By thus reducing popery to its principles, he improved, in fome measure, a bad ftock, by lopping from it a few fruitless excrefcences.

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In 1536, he received a fummons to parliament and convocation. This feffion was thought a crifis by the Proteftant party, at the head of which flood Cromwell, (now earl of Effex) whofe favour with the king was in its

Meanwhile the bishop of Worcester, highly, fatisfied with the profpect of the times, repaired to his diocefe, having made a longer ftay in London than was abfolutely neceffary. He had no talents for flate-affairs, and therefore interfered not with them. His whole ambition was to discharge the paftoral functions of a bishop, neither aiming to difplay the abilities of a fatefman, nor thofe of a courtier. Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, was just returned from Germany, having fuccefsfully negociated fome commiffions, which the king had greatly at heart; and, in 1539, a parliament was called, to confirm the feizure and furrender of the monafteries, when that fubtle minifter took his opportunity, and fucceeded in prevailing upon his majefty to do fomething toward reftoring the old religion, as being moft advantageous for his views in the prefent fituation of Europe. In this parliament paffed the famous act

as it was called, of the fix articles,
which was no fooner published than it
gave
an univerfal alarm to all favour-
ers of the reformation; and, as the
bishop of Worcester could not give his
vote for the act, he thought it wrong
to hold any office. He therefore re-
figned his bishopric +, and retired into
the country; where he refided during
the heat of that perfecution which fol-
lowed upon this act, and thought of
nothing for the remainder of his days
but a fequeftered life. He knew the
ftorm could not foon be appeafed, and
he had no inclination to truft himself
in it. But, in the midst of his fecuri-
ty, an unhappy accident carried him
again into the tempeftuous weather
that was abroad: he received a bruife
by the fall of a tree, and the contufion
was fo dangerous, that he was obliged
to feek for better affiftance than the
country afforded. With this view he
repaired to London, where he had the
misfortune to fee the fall of his pa-
tron, the earl of Effex; a lofs of which
he was foon made fenfible. Gardiner's
emiffaries quickly found him out;
and fomething, that fomebody had
fomewhere heard him fay against the
fix articles, being alleged against him,
he was fent to the Tower, where,
without any judicial examination, he
fuffered, through one pretence or
another, a cruel imprisonment for the
remaining fix years of king Henry's
reign.

Immediately upon the acceffion of Edward VI, he and all others, who were imprisoned in the fame caufe, were fet at liberty, and Latimer, whofe old friends were now in power, was received by them with every mark of affection. He would have

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found no difficulty in difpoffefling Heath, in every refpect an infignificant man, who had fucceeded to his bishopric: but he had other fentiments, and would neither folicit himself, nor fuffer his friends to folicit, his reftoration. However, this was done by the parliament, who, after settling the national concerns, fent up an addrefs to the protector to restore him. The protector, accordingly, proposed the refumption to Latimer, who perfevered in the negative, alleging his great age, and the claim he had thence to a private life. Having thus rid himfelf of all incumbrance, he accepted an invitation from Cranmer, and took up his refidence at Lambeth, where he led a very retired life, being chiefly employed in hearing the complaints and redreffing the injuries of poor people. In thefe employments he fpent more than two years, interfering as little as poffible in any public tranfaction; only he affifted the archbishop in compofing the Homilies, which were fet forth by authority in the firth year of king Edward; he was alfo appointed to preach the Lent fermons before his majefty. As to his fermons which are ftill extant, they are, indeed, far from being exact pieces of compofition: yet his fimplicity and low familiarity, his humour and gibing drollery, were well adapted to the times; and his oratory, according to the mode of eloquence at that day, was exceedingly popular. His action and manner of preaching were very affecting. His abilities, however, as an orator, made only the inferior part of his character as a preacher. What particularly recommends him is, that noble and apoftolic

Thefe articles were, 1. In the facrament of the altar, after the confecration there remains no fubftance of bread and wine, but the natural body and blood of Chrift. 2. Vows of chastity ought to be obferved. 3. The ufe of private maffes ought to be continued. 4: Communion in both kinds is not neceffary. 5. Prielts must not marry. 6. Auricular confefsion is to be retained in the church.

It is related of him, that when he came from the parliament-houfe to his lodgings, he threw off his robes; and, leaping up, declared to those about him, that he found himself lighter than ever he found himself before. The story is not unlikely, as it is much in character: a vain of pleafantry and good humour accompanying the most ferious actions of his life.

truth.

zeal which he exerts in the cause of caufe with Latimer; and, when it was refolved to have a public difputa tion at Oxford, between the most eminent of the popish and protestant divines, thefe three were appointed to manage the difpute on the part of the proteftants. Accordingly, they were fent to Oxford, where they were closely confined in the common prifon, and might easily imagine how free the difputation was likely to be, when they found themselves denied the use even of books and pen and ink. Indeed, the iffue of the debate was very different from what it appeared to be, a few years before, in a famous conference held at the fame place, during the reign of king Edward.

Upon the revolution which happened at court after the death of the duke of Somerset, Latimer feems to have retired into the country; and to have made ufe of the king's licence, as a general preacher, in thofe parts where he thought his labours might be molt ferviceable. He was thus employed during the remainder of that reign, and continued in the fame courfe, for a fhort time, in the beginning of the next; but as foon as the introduction of popery was refolved on, the firft ftep toward it was the prohibition of all preaching throughout the kingdom, and a licenfing only of fuch as were known to be popifhly inclined: accordingly, a ftrict inquiry was made after the more forward and popular preachers, and many of them were taken into cuftody. The bishop of Winchester, who was now prime minifter, having profcribed Latimer from the firft, fent a meffage to cite him before the council. He had notice of this defign, fome hours before the mefferger's arrival, but made no ufe of the intelligence. The meffenger found him equipped for his journey: at which expreffing furprife, Latimer told him, that he was as ready to attend him to London, thus called upon to answer for his faith, as he ever was to take any journey in his life; and that he doubted not but God, who had enabled him to ftand before two princes, would enable him to fland before a third. The meffenger, then acquainting him that he had no orders to feize his perfon, delivered a letter, and departed. Latimer, however, opening the letter, and finding it contain a citation from the council, refolved to obey it. He fet out immediately; and, as he paffed through Smithfield, where heretics were ufually burnt, he faid cheerfully, This place hath long groaned for me.' The next morning he waited upon the council, who, having loaded him with many fevere reproaches, fent him to the Tower. Cranmer and Ridley were also prifoners in the fame

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The difpute being ended, Latimer was immediately condemned, with Ridley, bishop of London; and they both perished in the fame flames, at Oxford, in 1554. They fupported each other's conftancy by mutual exhortations. Latimer, when tied to the ftake, called to his companion,

The ex

Be of good cheer, brother; we shall this day kindle fuch a torch in England, as I truft in God, fhall never be extinguifhed.'The executioners had been fo merciful (for that clemency may more naturally be afcribed to them than to the religious zealots) as to tie bags of gunpowder about thefe prelates, in order to put a speedy period to their tortures. plofion killed Latimer immediately; but Ridley continued alive, during fome time, in the midst of the flames. Such was the life of Hugh Latimer, one of the leaders of that glorious army of martyrs, who introduced the reformation in England. He was not efteemed a very learned man, for he cultivated only useful learning; and that, he thought, lay in a very nárrow compafs. He never engaged in worldly affairs, thinking that a clergyman ought to employ himself in his profeflion only: Thus he lived, rather a good and useful, than what the world calls a great man; but while goodnefs and integrity are in esteem, his name will never die.

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REFLECTIONS ON HISTORICAL CHARACTERS.

Sir,

To the Editor of the Univerfal Magazine.

Seeing, in your Magazine for June laft, an Extra& from Mr. D'Ifraeli's Literary Reflections, fome Obfervations occurred to me, which I intended to write, and fend to you immediately. Being prevented then, however, by fime parti cular Circumftances, I flatter myself you will not think it too late now to infort them. I am, Sir, Fc.

ISTORY is infinitely eftimable to mankind as the depofitory of the collected experience of all ages; as the awful voice of our forefathers, who have hazarded dangerous experi ments for the benefit of their pofterity. At least, I have always confidered it in this light; and I was, therefore, very forry to find that a writer, of Mr. D'Ifraeli's reputation, had endeavoured to depreciate its merits and to leffen its authority, in a publication, which will, moft probably, circulate widely, and among many who have never inured their minds to a patient investigation of truth. Had he employed fatisfactory reafons in his attempt, it would have been laudable; but if, by a careless confideration of an important fubject, he has prejudiced others against a thing from which they might have derived confiderable benefit, he cannot, in this case, demand our approbation.

Mr. D'Ifraeli, in the first place, doubts the veracity of our hiftorians, because they have written with elegance. It feems,' fays he, often neceffary to be reminded, that the most interesting history is generally the moft elegantly written, and that what ever is adorned by elegance is the compofition of art.' As an inftance of this, he mentions Dr. Robertfon, whofe veracity, he fays, becomes very fufpicious, because he is so pleafing an historian.”

Should he not confider, that differ ent styles may be adopted to deliver the fame facts; that different fenti ments, different maxims of life, and

PHENIX.

different precepts of morality, may be derived from them, according to the nature of the understanding by which they are confidered? And will he pretend to fay, that becaufe one perfon is elevated with nobler fentiments, on a review of the actions of mankind, than another; that, bes caufe he draws from them finer laws of morality, more folid and more general rules of conduct; that because, moreover, he ftates occurrences with greater felicity of diction, and that his hiftory is thus rendered more captivating, that it must become, confequently, lefs true? This ftronger attraction is not formed by an alteration of matters of fact, by making ftatef men wifer, or generals more intrepid, but by the fuperior perfpicuity, energy, and intelligence of the writer.

Mr. D'Ifraeli fays, the human cha racter appears diminutive when compared with those we meet with in hiftory; yet am I perfuaded, that domeftic forrows are not lefs poignant, and many of our affociates are characters not inferior to the elaborate delineations, which fo much interest in the deceptive page of history. In this paragraph, the author contradicts himself: if among our affociates we can find many characters, not inferior to thofe which are fo elaborately deli neated in hiftory, why fhould the hu man character appear diminutive by a comparison? Nor, by fuch an argument can it be proved that the hiftoric page is deceptive, unless it can alfo be proved that men of great abilities have been incapable of riêng

into public ftations; and that this cannot be done, every man of common fenfe, who is in the leaft acquainted with hiftory, must allow. This I could prove by numberlefs in ftances, but I will content myself with one. Can Mr. D'Ifraeli doubt the veracity of the accounts we have of the immortal Cook? It is impoffible to doubt their veracity; and yet the patient perfeverance, the humanity, the intrepidity, the glorious actions, the large and comprehenfive mind of this great commander, form a character fo admirable and fo grand, that it will not be fhamed by a parallel with our illuftrious ancestors, who grace the hiftoric pages of illuftrious

hiftorians.

'I think,' fays our author, that Voltaire, in one of his letters, has let us into the mystery of the hiftorical art; for he there tells us, that no writers, but those who have compofed tragedies, can throw any intereft into a hiftory; that we must know how to paint and excite the paffions; and that a hiftory, like a dramatic piece, muft have fituation, intrigue, and cataftrophe; an obfervation, which has great truth, but which fhews that there can be but little truth in fuch agreeable narratives.' If Voltaire followed the rules which he has prescribed, it will prove that the paffions may be excited; that fituation, intrigue, and catastrophe, may be formed in a history without a deviation from truth, as the facts he has related in his hiftory of Charles the twelfth, cannot be difputed if he did not follow his own rules, it will prove that a writer may throw intereft into a history,' without having recourfe to dramatic art; for, who will presume to fay, that the work above alluded to is not in the highest degree interefting? If Mr. D'Ifraeli had attentively confidered hiftory, he would have known that the paffions would often be excited; that fituation, intrigue, and cataftro phe, would often be formed, by the -moft fimple narrative of the events as they happened, without the affiftance - of art from the historian.

Mr. D'Ifraeli imagines, that our minds are not fatisfied with natural reprefentations of things, because they want the grace of novelty: We are pleafed,' fays he, with the wanderings of fancy, because they shoot far above the fober limits of nature,' and he adds, that the hiftorian feizing this inclination of the mind, delights it with that imaginary force, and fantaftic grandeur, of which, while pleafed with the emotions, we perceive not the extravagance.'-So far, I believe, is he from being right in his idea of what most pleases the mind, that the author who writes even fictions, profeffedly in imitation of life, must be careful not to deviate far from nature, if he wishes to please: the productions of this kind, which have been the moft fuccessful, are those which have displayed manners, paffions, and propenfities as they are really found to be upon the most accurate infpection of mankind: for inftance, nobody captivates the mind and delights the heart fo much as Shakspeare, and yet Shakspeare's copies of nature are fo faithful, that they may be faid rather to be origi nals than copies: and I can never perfuade myself, that our enlightened hiftorians ever made fuch an erroneous fuppofition, as to conclude, that nothing will any longer please the mind but the marvellous and extravagant.

Mr. D'Ifraeli apprehends, that perufal of hiftory will have evil confequences, by making the bofom exhauft its fympathy upon departed for rows, and leave it infenfible to existing mifery. The fallacy of this idea will eafily be detected by the evidence of the living world. Since the writings of Goldsmith, Robertson, Hume, and Gibbon, a tafte for historical compofitions has been infufed more univerfally into every rank of the community; but, we do not find, in confequence, that the human heart is grown callous to diftrefs; on the contrary, perhaps, never, in recorded times, were there fo many schemes for the relief of wretchedness propofed; never did they meet, perhaps, with

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