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cularly to what he confidered as a deficiency in the fpeech, in not directly naming The Executive Directory of the French Republic.

He would not, however, he faid, infift on any amendment; he did not wish to thwart or embarrass minifters, or throw any check on their conduct; as he wished to leave them in poffeffion of full powers: of as full powers as any minifters ought to be intrufted with, in order that they may carry on the negociation unfhackled and unreftrained. He then made fome remarks on the fituation in which Spain and Pruffia flood with respect to this country; and hoped that the conduct of miniftry, toward the former, had been as moderate and forbearing as was afferted in the fpeech. Coming further to confider the fubject of peace, the prefent he allowed was not the time for faying any thing on the terms of it. I have no difficulty (continued he) in affering, that there are still great refources in this country, even in its prefent ftate, if the people were fairly and fully convinced, that the bleffings of peace were refufed through the perverfenefs or the ambition of France. I have no hefitation in faying that if, after manifefting a difpofition of candour, fimplicity, and openness, in negociating the terms of a peace, it fhould till appear that they refuse to accede to a jult and reafonable peace, we not only fhould find ample refources in this country for profecuting the war with vigour, but we should profecute it with fuch an unanimity of heart as would draw forth all the energy and all the valour of the nation.-I fay thus much in the contemplation of a clear, candid, and manly procedure on the part of our minifters ; and I have no doubt but I fhall be cordially joined by every part of the country in this declaration, that if they do fo conduct themselves, they will meet with univerfal fupport. But on the other fide, we ought to negociate in the fpirit of great moderation.

I have no difficulty in faying, for one, that I fhould find much lefs fault if the terms of peace be faulty on the fide of moderation, than I fhould be inclined to do, if faulty in the contrary extreme. To ignominious terms of peace I know and believe that this country would never be made to fubmit. But I wish it clearly to be understood, that, rather than fupport any ministers in extravagant pretenions, arifing either from the pride of tranfient fortune, or from natural arrogance, I would be much more difpofed

to give my affent to terms that, on a due inveftigation of our claims, might be con-" fidered as rather below than above our right. The whole of this, however, ought to be left to minifters; as not our intereft only, but alfo the relative intereft of the different powers, are to be affected by the negociation."

After beftowing warm praise on the late exertions of the Auftrians; and on the brilliant and glorious atchievements of our navy, Mr. Fox concluded nearly in the following words:

"Yet after all this, the chara&er of the peace which we are defirous to obtain, and the utmost we can expert is, that it fhall be folid and of permanent duration; this, I believe, is as high a character as the peace is likely to deferve. Then what must be the fort of conflict in which we are engaged, in which, after a four years' fuccefsful exertion of all the fkill, and all the valour of our navy, in which they have invariably conquered and carried the flag of England triumphant to every quarter of the world; all our efforts cannot produce to us a peace either brilliant or glorious, but we inut content ourfelyes with hoping for a peace that may be folid and permanent? Muft we not own that there is fomething in the cause in which we are engaged radically defective, that palfies our efforts, and dilappoints our ftrength? That there is fomething which demands from the common fenfe and from the prudence of Englishmen, a strict and a rigorous investigation, that we may difcover what this fomething is, not merely to retrieve the prefent calamity, but guard our offspring against the error in future? A day will come for fuch a question; and I give my affent to the prefent addrefs without moving any amendment upon the points of which I do not cordially approve, because when the day of fuch a difcuffion does come, I fhall have an opportunity to make the observations that I think it important for the house to entertain upon these points. No great distance of time fhall elapfe before I shall think it my duty to bring this matter before you, fince I think it of the most effential importance to the well being of the country, and to the true fupport and dignity of his majefty's crown, that an enquiry into all the caufes which have brought the nation into its prefent condition, and produced the calamities of the prefent war, fhould be inftituted; for the purpofe of advifing his majefty to make a fundamental change in the fyftem upon

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which we have lately acted, both with regard to foreign and domeftic policy. When this day fhall come, and that I fhall move the house upon this great and conflitutional fubject, I fhould not like to be told that I have precluded myfelf from the difcuffion of thefe topicks, and, fhut myself up from enquiring not merely. into the caules, but the conduct of the war, as well as into the nature of our domeftic misfortunes, by the affent which I had given to the addrefs of this day. For this reafon, fir, I have thought it neceflary to fay fo much; and with this referve of freedom for a future day of difcuffion I do not oppofe the addrefs to his majefty upon his fpeech from the throne.'

The chancellor of the exchequer expreffed his fatisfaction at the unanimity, which, at a juncture fo critical, would mark the deliberations of that houfe on the important fubject under their confideration, and however he might differ from the laft fpeaker, on certain topics, he was happy to find that with refpect to the great and fubftantial object of the addrefs, the propriety of the conduct employed to bring about a folid and durable peace-fuch a peace as may be confiftent with the permanent fecurity and the juft pretenfions of the country there did not fubfift even the flightest shade of difference. Such a circumstance he confidered as a matter of just pride and of honeft fatisfaction. It exhibited the moft decided and undeniable proofs that the steps which his majefty has taken toward a negocia tion, that the clear and explicit declaration that he has made, are in themfelves fo unexceptionable, and fo well calculated for the end in view, that they must command affent from any man, who retains the fmalleft care for the intereft and honour of his country.

He looked with till higher fatisfaction to the concurrence now expreffed in the object of the addrefs, as the pledge of ge neral unanimity, and the omen of great exertions, if, unfortunately, that object fhould not be obtained. I truft and hope (faid Mr. Pitt) that it may not be neceffary to have fuch a telt of fincerity; but while we indulge with fatisfaction in the hope of a more favourable iffue, we muft at the fame time look to the other alternative; we must be prepared with all the force of the country to fupport the profecution of the conteft if its continuance fhould be found neceffary. If the unanimity of this day be accompanied with fuch views, if it be that fentiment

which, on the one hand, is prepared to fupport the juft pretenfions and reasonable hopes of the country; and on the other to refift the unjuffifiable demands and arrogant 'claims of the enemy, I fhall then confider that unanimity as the happiest æra in the hiftory of the country.

With respect to the other parts of the right hon. gentleman's fpeech, they have been too often difcuffed to be now forgotten.

It has been intimated that we muft change the whole fyftem of our interior policy, which the hon. gentleman confiders as inconfiftent with the conftitution of the country. He has reprobated in the fevereft terms laws which were paffed during the last parliament, and which he reprefented as pregnant with the most mifchievous confequences;, and declared that he could not fubfcribe to any conftruction of that part of his majesty's fpeech which included thofe among the laws, the energy and wifdom of which had contributed to fecure the tranquillity of the country. Having made this declaration, it would be unfair and uncandid on my part not to be equally explicit. I defire no gentleman to vote for the addrefs upon any fuch qualification with refpect to thofe laws.

I am firmly of opinion, that exclufive of their influence, the peace of the country could not have been so successfully maintained; nor can I fuffer the fmalleft reproach to fall upon the character of the laft parliament, who difplayed their wifdom and their energy in providing a remedy fo fuitable to the alarming nature of the crifis. If there is any ambiguity in the addrefs, with refpect to thofe laws, it is becaufe they are fo confiftent with the fpirit of the conftitution which they were framed to protect, and fo blended with the fyltem of our jurisprudence, fo congenial to the practice of former times, and fo conformable even to the letter of former acts, that it was impoffible to make any difcrimination.

It is to be recollected, that they were paffed in a moment of alarm and turbu lence; they have been found most admirably calculated to meet the emergency of the time. The addrefs does not apportion with minute exactnefs what degree of tranquility we have derived from the operation of thofe laws, when blended with the conftitution, and what we might have enjoyed from the influence of laws previously fobiting how much we were indebted for protection to the ancient ftrength of the edifice, or to thofe buttreffes

that were raifed to fupport it in the moment of hurricane..

The honourable gentleman has told us that we are at last come to the period which he had all along pointed out that we have now confented to adopt that courfe which he has uniformly recommended fince the commencement of the contest-to fend a perfon to Paris, and to try the effect of negociation. But does it follow that the meafure was right formerly, because it is right now? May not a period of four years produce many events to juftify a change of policy, and to render measures wife and expedient, which at a certain time would neither have been prudent nor reasonable? Because you do not choose to make peace the day after an unprovoked aggreffion, may you not be juftified in holding out pacific overtures after a lapfe of four years? The argument amounts to this, that, either you must make peace the day after the aggreffion, or not make it all.'

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importance. If fuch has been the fate of things, at a period when the country has had to contend for every thing dear to it; if, notwithstanding all the obstacles which have clogged the machinery, the fpring has retained fo much force and energy, we may prefume, that if by the obstinacy and ambition of the enemy we fhould be called to fill greater exertions, that our refources as yet remain untouched, and that we fhall be able to call them forth with a degree of concert and effect worthy of the character of the British nation, and of the cause in which they will be employed.'

On the fubject of peace, Mr. Pitt afked what was the reafon why it was likely rather to be folid than brilliant? Because we will not feparate our own greatness, and our own commerce, from the intereft and from the fate of our allies; because we refufe to purchase peace for ourfelves, on any other terms than thofe which will fecure the tranquillity of Europe, and confider the fituation of Great-Britain as chained to that of the continent, by the bands of a liberal and comprehenfive policy.

After a fplendid eulogy on the late fucceffes of the imperial arms in Germany; and of the proof they had afforded of the fuperiority of difciplined valour over the brutal force which hoped to overwhelm it, Mr. Pitt concluded, by obferving that the recent example of Germany had furnished an illuftrious inftance of fortitude and perfeverance, and their fortitude and perfeverance have had their merited reward. Thefe were leffons which this country has not to learn. England has never shown

On the queftion of our refources, Mr. Pitt obferved, that they furnished a fubject of peculiar congratulation and wellgrounded confidence. If the revenue, after a four-years' war, and after all the additional burthens which have been impofed, till keeps up at the rate of last year, that circumftance is furely no flight fource of fatisfaction. With refpect to the state of Commerce (he continued), I am enabled to speak in a very different ftrain. Notwithstanding all the embarraffments which it had to encounter, it has attained, and ftill continues to enjoy, a pitch of unexampled profperity. Thofe embarraffments have proceeded from various caufes; the expenfe of the war a-itfelf deficient in firmness and magnanibroad, and the high price of articles of confumption at home; the fituation of part of the continent, where the markets have been fhut against us; and even the growth of our capital, re-acting upon the commerce which occafioned it; fo that it was an equivalent proof, temporary profperity was itfelf a caufe of temporary diftrefs. Of the continuance of this prof perity we have now the beft affurance. The ftate of our exports during the latt fix months has been equal to what they have been in the moft flourishing years of peace, and our imports have diminished in a very fmall proportion from what they have been at periods accounted the most profperous. Under thefe circumftances, whatever temporary embarraffinents may have arifen, the commercial character of the country has loft neither its vigour por

mity: it is unrivalled in refource; it has always been foremoft in the career of honourable exertion and it has only to maintain its accustomed vigour and perfeverance, to effect the reftoration of general tranquillity, upon terms confiftent with the dignity of its own character, and the fecurity and interest of Europe.

After a few words from Mr. Fox, in explanation, the address was voted nemine contradicente.,

For fome days fubfequent to this, the attention of the houfe was chiefly taken up in the receiving of petitions relative to controverted elections, reports of committees, and other forms preparatory to future bufinefs, till Monday, October 17, when Mr. ferjeant Adair brought in a bill for preventing the imprisonment of quakers for the non-payment of tythes,

and to make their affirmation valid in criminal cafes. This bill had paffed the houfe laft feffions; but had been loft in the house of lords, the difcuffion of it having been objected to in the then advanced period of the feffions.

On Tuesday the 18th, the house having refolved itfelf to a committee on that part of his majetty's fpeech which tated, that the enemy had manifelted an intention of making a defcent on this country, Mr. Pitt rofe, and, after fome preliminary obfervations, propofed, that there fhould be a levy on all the parishes in the kingdom, of 15,000 men, partly on the fea and partly on the land fervice; the latter to fill up the fkeletons of the regiments lately returned from the continent,

Our navy, he proceeded, was now in fuch a profperous condition as to render defperate every attempt of the enemy; but it was allo neceffary that we fhould be able to fuftain a landed conteft. He did not mean, that all the troops for this purpofe fhould be actually railed and difciplined our preparation, it was to be expected, would be fufficient to defeat the defign. It was far from his wifh, therefore, to put the nation to any unneceffary expence much lefs to take the fubjects without caufe, from the labours of commerce, of agriculture, and manufactures. His purpole was to have a large force put fucceffively in training, and difciplined in turn, until the whole were qualified for military fervice. He thould therefore move for a fupplement levy of militia, to be raifed from the different counties, and to confift of fixty thoufand men. Thefe were not to be called out together, unless on an occafion of the higheft emergency. At prefent he fhould only propole that onefixth of them, making 10,000, fhould be embodied and trained for 20 days.

Thefe levies, he obferved, were now made in a manner the molt difproportionate, from the circumftance of the original acts having never been revifed. In fome counties the proportion was one man in feven; while, in others, the proportion was one man only in forty-three. This. difproportion it was now propofed to rectfy, and to make the new levies keep pace with the actual population The men were not to be called out into fervice, or if they were, it was but for a fhort period. The expence of uniforms and accoutrements would, in this inftance, extend only to the one fixth in actual training; but it was obvious that the end would be loft if arms were not provided for them all. And ther our ftrength lay in our

fart of

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irregular cavalry, to which the yeomanry
affociation had certainly contributed in a
very high degree. But it was neceffary
that this force fhould be further increased.
The great difficulty of the enemy would
lie in the importation of cavalry, and there-
fore it was the more neceffary for us to
increase our fuperiority in that refpe&t.
He did not think that the measure which
he had to propofe could be confidered as
a measure of severity, when the call was
fo importunate.-The number of horfes
not actually employed in agriculture, or
in bulinefs of real neceffity, amounted to
200,000. Of thefe, 120,000 were kept
by one perfon each; but in many in-
ftances 10, 20, 30, and even more, were
maintained by a fingle perfon. He did
not think it unreasonable, in this inflance,
to propofe, that the perfon keeping ten
horfes fhould furnish each one horse and
horfeman, with his accoutrements. If he
kept more, but fhort of 20, that he should
furnish a proportionate fum in money.
The perfon keeping 20, 30, or 40 hores,
to furnifh two, three, or four horsemen, in
the fame proportion. If the number of
horfes kept by the individual was lefs than
10, he fhould then propofe that these
fhould be a regular clafs, and that each
clafs fhould fend an horfeman by ballot.
The men thus furnished to be immediately
regimented and officered by the crown.

There were other objects which prefented themselves as likely to prove of much ufe, when the object was of fo ferious a nature. There were a clafs of men, who, from their knowledge of fire arms, and their local acquaintance with the country, were likely to be of much fervice he meant the gamekeepers. He was aware that there were many gentlemen to whom it might be inconvenient to ferve, who took out their deputation as gamekeeper. Thefe he thought fhould either ferve or find a fubftitute; or, he had no objection that they fhould have a previous notice, after which, if they did not refign their deputation, they fhould be compelled to ferve.

Mr. Pitt then proceeded to fum up the total of troops to be raifed, viz.

Parifh levies to be divided between the
land and fea fervice
Militia (fupplemental)
Cavalry
Gamekeepers

Total

15,000

60,000

20,000

7,000

102,000

After fome oppofition from Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Fox, this refolution, and all the others, were unanimoufly carried.

On the PROGRESSIVE EFFECTS of the FRENCH REVOLUTION. The following Article is felected from a Pamphlet just published by the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, entitled, Two Letters addreffed to a Member of the prefent Parliament, on the Propofals for Peace with the Regicide Directory of France.' It exhibits fuch a Picture of the depraved State of Morals and Manners, and, confequently, of the deplorable State of Society, in that unhappy Country, as (whatever may be its Connexion with respect to the great Question concerning Peace or War) ought to operate, from every facred and endearing Confideration, as a falutary Warning to this, and every Country, where the Government of Laws and of genuine Freedom is ftill happily predominant.

A

GOVERNMENT of the nature of that fet up at our very door has never been hitherto feen, or even imagined, in Europe. What our relation to it will be cannot be judged by other relations. It is a ferious thing to have a connexion with a people, who live only under pofitive, arbitrary, and changeable inftitutions; and those not perfected nor supplied, nor explained, by any common acknowledged rule of moral fcience. I remember that in one of my laft conversations with the late lord Camden, we were ftruck much in the fame manner with the abolition in France of the law, as a science of methodized and artificial equity France, fince her revolution, is under the fway of a fect, whofe leaders have deliberately, at one stroke, demolished the whole body of that jurifprudence which France had pretty nearly in common with other civilized countries. In that jurisprudence were contained the elements and principles of the law of nations, the great ligament of mankind. With the law they have of course destroyed all feminaries in which jurifprudence was taught, as well as a the corporations established for its confervation. I have not heard of any country, whether in Europe or Afia, or even in Africa on this fide of Mount Atlas, which is wholly without fome fuch colleges and fuch corporations, except France. No man, in a public or private concern, can divine by what rule or principle her judgments are to be directed; nor is there to be found a profeffor in any univerfity,

or a practitioner in any court, who will hazard an opinion of what is or is not law in France, in any cafe whatever. They have not only annulled all their old treaties; but they have renounced the law of nations from whence treaties have their force. With a fixed defign they have outlawed themselves, and to their power outlawed all other nations.

Inftead of the religion and the law by which they were in, a great politic communion with a Chriftian world, they have constructed their republic on three bases, all fundamentally oppofite to thofe on which the communities of Europe are built. Its foundation is laid in regicide; in jacobiniím; and in atheism; and it has joined to those principles, a body of fyftematic manners which secures their operation.

If I am afked how I would be underftood in the use of these terms, regicide, jacobiniím, atheifin, and a fyftem of correfpondent manners and their establishment, I will tell you.

I call a commonwealth regicide, which lays it down as a fixed law of nature, and a fundamental right of man, that all government, not being a democracy, is an ufurpation *. That all kings, as fuch, are ufurpers; and for being kings, may and ought to be put to death, with their wives, families, and adherents. The commonwealth which acts uniformly upon thofe principles; and which after abolishing every feftival of religion, chooses the moft flagrant act of a murderous regicide trea

*Nothing could be more folemn than their promulgation of this principle as a preamble to the deftructive code of their famous articles for the decompofition of fo ciety into whatever country they should enter. 'La Convention Nationale, après avoir entendu le rapport de fes Comittés de Finances, de la guerre, et diplomatiques réunis, fidelle au principe de fouverainté de peuples qui ne lui permet pas de reconnoitre aucune inftitution qui y porte atteinte, &c. Decret fur le Rapport de Cambon. December 18, 1792, and fee the fubfequent proclamation.

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