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EFFECTS OF BULL RUN DEFEAT.
killed, 1,011 wounded, 1,216 missing. The effect of the disaster at Bull Beauregard reported the rebel loss at Run was astounding. The news at 269 killed, 1,533 wounded, in all 1,852. first from the field of battle, as made Johnston made the number of killed known by reports and telegraphic com378, but agreed with Beauregard in the munications, had been cheering, and general result. No notice was taken promising certain and great victory. of some two or three hundred prison. The next news told of utter rout and ers made by our army in the early part disgrace; and Monday and Tuesday, of the battle and sent to Washington. the 22d and 23d of July, saw the Beauregard claimed as prisoners not streets of the capital thronged with less than 1,600 Union soldiers, and panic stricken crowds of those who estimated our loss at 4,500. Probably had literally fled when no man the nearest approximation to the ex- pursued. In the great cities,
1861. act truth now possible is, rebel loss and throughout the country, as the over 2,000; Union loss over 3,000. wildly exaggerated telegrams made Beauregard also claimed as the spoils known the overthrow of our army, the of the day, 28 pieces of artillery, about people were in a maze, and could with 5,000 muskets, nearly 500,000 cartrid- difficulty credit the unwelcome reports ges, a garrison flag, and 10 colors cap. of disgraceful defeat. High-spirited and tured in the field or in the pursuit ; self-confident, never supposing defeat and besides these, 64 artillery horses possible, men at the North ran into an with their harness, 26 wagons and much opposite extreme, and for the moment camp equipage, clothing, and other looked upon what the rebels had done property left behind.
at Bull Run as a virtual guarantee of Our limits do not admit of dwelling their final success. But the depression upon particular instances of valor and and discouragement, wonderful as they spirit on the part of the great majority seemed, were only temporary. Bitter of our officers and men, or of noticing as was the lesson of that memorable the lack of these soldierly qualities and week at the close of July, it was a instincts, which were expected, as a salutary lesson. It showed loyal men matter of course, from all our troops. what was before them; that it was no Neither are we able now to spare time holiday undertaking of a few weeks or in narrating well authenticated cases months to put down rebellion or trea of barbarity, cruelty and outrage to- son, organized as they were on a scale wards the dying and the dead, after the battle was over. The conduct of the
behalf of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the
War; April 30th, 1862. rebels on this occasion was marked by
* Military critics (such as Major Barnard and others) ungovernable, blind fury, and was dis- are agreed, that General McDowell's plan of the battle
was well laid and would have resulted in a decisive graceful in the last degree to themselves
victory, had it not been for delays, above noted, on and our common humanity.*
Friday and Saturday, and the escaping of Johnston's
four or five thousand men from Patterson's watching, * See Duyckinck's “War for the Union," vol. i., thereby causing a panic among a portion of the Union Fp. 402-416 ; Senator Wade's Report to the Senate, in army just at the critical moment.
of magnitude and power undreamt of Run, and to hold up the hands of the heretofore; and that, if the Union was government at any cost, in crushing the to be sustained, it must be by united, mad and desperate attempt to destroy steady, unflinching energy and devo- the life and integrity of the nation. tion in its behalf. The resolution and We shall see, as we proceed in our spirit of Congress we have already narrative, how thoroughly the noble, noted (see p. 54). The people of the manly qualities of our countrymen loyal states likewise speedily nerved were roused up into efficient action in themselves to avenge the losses at Bull this their hour of trial.
FOREIGN RELATIONS AND POLICY - PRIVATEERING - TRENT AFFAIR.
Dosition of foreign nations - Course of England and France, how affecting the United States — Importance of
foreign relations - Secession efforts abroad - Feeling towards the United States in Great Britain and France - Hostility to the Union — British government hastens to acknowledge belligerent character of Southern Confederacy - Queen's proclamation - How looked on in America - Neutrality enjoined - Ill success of the rebel agents abroad — Louis Napoleon's course – Diplomatic notes and courtesies — Friendly spirit of Russia - Articles of Congress of Paris (1856) on privateering - Offer of the United States on the subject — Proviso of Earl Russell - Privateering carried on -- The Savannah taken - Trial of the privateersmen ; are they pirates or not? - Davis's threats and acts - Government abandon the prosecution — Privateering only moderately successful — The Petrel and the St. Lawrence - The Jeff. Davis and her end -- The negro Tillman's heroism - Public feeling at this date — Mason and Slidell new agents to go to Europe - Reach Havana — Sail in the Trent, English mail packet - Capt. Wilkes in San Jacinto stops the Trent and captures Mason and Slidell and their secretaries - Public applause - Attitude of the government - Excitement in England - Rebel commissioners demanded – War apparently imminent - Mr. Seward's argument and decision Mason and Slidell given up - Chagrin and disappointment of the rebels and their friends at home and abroad - Pungent remarks of the London Times.
The position of foreign nations and friends and well wishers of our country, the probable course to be pursued by they should so direct their policy, and them in regard to the United States, should assume such ground, as that the was a matter of very grave importance weight of their influence would be given at the outbreak of the rebellion. Eng. to the support of the Union and the land and France, especially, were so crushing out the rebellion, the case
situated as to render their line would be rendered more easy of settle1861.
of action of the utmost moment, ment by means of the United States whether for good or evil, to the Great power on the land, where alone the Republic. If, acting out the noble, rebels had succeeded in organizing any manly part, which becomes sincere effective resistance against the authority
CH. V.] ANXIETY AS TO COURSE OF FOREIGN NATIONS. of the government. If, on the other. The leaders in the seceded states were hand, the great maritime nations, like also profoundly interested in the con England and France, should see fit, dition of affairs abroad, and the manner more or less openly to encourage the so- in which their present attempt at a called confederacy in its ambitious de- breaking up of the Union might be signs, and in addition to recognizing its looked upon by the great powers of belligerent character, should aid in fur. Europe. If England and France should nishing it not only with supplies of favor their cause, directly, or at least various sorts but also with the means indirectly, it would greatly facilitate of preying upon the commerce of the matters, and would almost ensure suc United States, they certainly had the cess to the rebellion; but if they power so to do, while holding a profess- should refuse entirely any countenance edly friendly attitude to the government to this proposed rending in pieces of which they were virtually helping to the Union, and should look upon the undermine and destroy. And, in such outbreak as an insurrection, which the an event, the rebellion would be all the lawful government of the land was able more likely to protract its existence, if to and would in due time suppress, not finally to succeed in accomplishing then, the hopes and expectations of the its ends.
confederates would be sadly curtailed Of course, the government of the of their fair proportions, and their United States felt an unusually deep chances of final success very considerinterest in the views which might find ably diminished. predominance among foreign nations, Fully alive to the importance and who were watching with profound con- necessity of securing foreign sympathy cern the incipiency of our great nation- and aid, the astute leaders in secession al struggle; and was well aware how and revolution had given very careful much depended upon the course which attention to the subject from the beginthey might think best to adopt. It was ning. Agents, admirably adapted to consequently seen at once to be of the the work in hand, such as Yancey, * highest importance, that our country Rost, Mann, and Butler King, had been should be represented at foreign courts sent abroad to leaven the public opinby the ablest and most energetic men ion, to excite prejudice against
1861. which could be obtained. Happily, the government, to gain the ear – Messrs. Adams, Dayton, Clay, Motley, of politicians and men in power, to Marsh, and others were selected, and misrepresent the origin and aim of the by their labors at their several posts, rebellion, to enlarge upon the advanta they soon gave evidence of the wisdom ges they had to offer, in a commercial which had led to their appointment. point of view, to foreign nations, and Our country had abundant reason to such like ; and it must be confessed, be satisfied that her interests were com- that, by persistent, unscrupulous statemitted to the hands of some of her ments, by activity and zeal worthy of noblest sons.
* See McPherson's “ History of the Rebellion,” p. 27 a better cause, and by using the power a step which, if wrongly taken, would of the press, a considerable portion of be direful indeed in its consequences * which was hostile to the Union, they France, also, under the despotism of had been able to produce a decided im- Louis Napoleon, was not altogether
pon the public mind, and to pleased at being called upon to witness excite hopes of the speedy intervention our rapid strides in national wealth of European powers in American affairs. and power. France, too, was more or
But governments move slowly, as less jealous of the United States, and becomes the gravity of their position, was quite willing to stand by, and see and in modern times at least, they re- the Union broken up, and its power and quire to be well assured that the peo pride humbled; but there were friends ple will sustain them, before they take of America in France, friends who did any step of great importance. England, good service by their pens as well as in for various reasons, had no special re- other ways, in behalf of our country's gard or affection for the United States. honor and good name; and more than England was rather annoyed and dis. this, France was ruled by a man who, pleased that so powerful a rival should however unscrupulous as a politician, have taken the position in wealth and was far too sagacious to commit himself rank which our country holds after so hastily to an undertaking whose sucbrief a period of national life. England cess was hy no means assured; he had was and is, from the nature of the case, had too large experience in the uncer. not in love with republican institutions, tainty of political scheming to give aid and was and is willing to see them to experiments which, so far as he could broken up and perish. Yet not all of see, were as likely to be failures as any. · England, by any means. There were thing else. Consequently, France was ardent philanthropists and able states. not willing, or prepared, to go to the men, who were as capable as they were lengths which the secessionists wished willing to cast aside foolish prejudices or expected ; and France, like England, and jealousies, and to do their share preferred to wait awhile, and see what towards enlightening others, towards the future might bring forth. battling for the right, and towards Doubtless, we think, the general disextending their sympathy and good position in Europe was, to consider sewill to the United States. And these cession and disintegration of the Union could not be ignored; they made their
* Mr. C. M. Clay, at the time en route for his em voices heard ; and with the help of bassy several influential journals, they proved
London Times, May 17th, setting forth the views and
determination of Union men on the subject of rebellion that the present fratricidal attempt of and treason. Mr. Motley, also, our minister to Austria, the secessionists was as wicked as it published in the same journal, a week later, a calm,
clear, convincing statement as to “The Causes of the was unprecedented in the history of
American Civil War.” Mr. John Stuart Mill, the well mankind. The English government, known and able advocate of freedom, published, some therefore, whatever its inclinations may
months later, an article in Fraser's Magazine on “ The
Contest in America.” He was also seconded by men of have been, hesitated to venture upon the stamp of Richard Cobden, John Bright, etc.