the Supreme Court would so decide. We have the clear right for instance, to say, that all persons selling spirituous liquors. shall take out a license; but I doubt our right to tax a man for selling New-England spirits, eo nomine. If Northern goods could be so distinguished from all other goods, as to answer to a certain description of them, without being named as Northern goods, an excise might be laid generally on such a description of manufactures, so as to include the home manufacture, and exclude the foreign. But this is not wholly practicable. The provisions of such a law would not be beyond the contrivance of the Eastern people to evade them. A fourth expedient is, a general understanding by resolutions at town meetings, to encourage smuggling by all the means in our power, and thus to be supplied with foreign goods. I should blush for my country, to see the exhibition of so shocking a spectacle, as that of a whole community deliberately resolving to do an immoral act upon a grand scale. But there is a stronger objection to this course of proceeding It would imply, that we are opposed to the Tariff, merely because it takes from the pockets of every man, some few dollars; whereas, our opposition arises, from its being a violation of our constitutional rights. So that this plan is out of the question. It is, to say the least of it, a mean expedient. Let it never be forgotten by us, that in this collision throughout, there has been a manifest distinction as to motive between the North and the South, which has placed us upon a proud and a lofty eminence; and that if we quit this vantage ground, we shall have to descend to the lowness of our adversaries. The motive which goads on the North to insist on the tariff, is the meanest motive which springs from the human heart. It is avarice-rank avarice. But the bosoms of the South, as they become more and more swelled into honest indignation against the tribute of the Tariff, are actuated by the noblest feelings which can influence the actions of men and of societies-an adherence to the principles of Liberty and of the Constitution.— The North supports the Tariff from INTEREST, mean, sordid interest. The South resists it ON PRINCIPLE. Then let us so shape our proceedings, that in this great contest, we shall be admired and respected, whilst our adversaries shall be despised. Let us, over again, act the same / part, in which we appeared to such decided advantage in our revolutionary struggle with Britain. If ever history furnished the example in any country, of a pure devotion to principle, and principle alone, apart from every other consideration, that example is to be sought in the determination of the Southern Colonies to resist the aggressions of Britain. These colonies, at the beginning, had no motive to quarrel with the mother country. Not so with the Eastern States. They had, or in a short time would have many. They saw that the measures of Britain were all calculated to check or to stide their growing navigation interests, and hence, plainly arose that first cause of uneasiness, which afterwards extended itself to serious discontents, and at length to revolution. It was not the tax on tea alone. Mr. QUINCY was early sent on to sound the people in the South, as to their disposition to make a common cause with them. The proposal was acceptable to our principal characters, and when we entered into the cause, it was with a certainty, that our country would be the principal seat of war, and that the great evils of war would be felt at the South We were not mistaken. We suffered greatly, but we suffered happily, for we have obtained our independence. We have struggled for it on principle alone, and not be

cause we felt the oppressions of the mother country. The Eastern States are doomed by nature, to be competitors with England, as to navigation and trade. We never were, and probably, never will be.

The fifth, and the last means spoken of, is to resort to the Supreme Court of the United States. This, as I have already shewn, would be to go on a FORLORN HOPE. The Tariff laws are, in their form, perfectly constitutional. They would come before this Court as revenue bills, and as the Judges cannot enter into the motives of legislators, they could not do otherwise, than to decide, that Congress has a right to pass such laws Where the spirit of the league is broken, though the form of the compact be preserved, this is a matter of arrangement between the sovereign parties to that compact. Sovereigns sometimes appoint arbiters between them, to settle unimportant boundaries, where territory is no great object; but points of vital importance they discuss, and settle amongst themselves.

All the proposed plans being either inefficient, or impracticable, or immoral, we must at last come to the only mode of redress which is left for us. I have pondered the subject, over and over again, and situated as we are, and must forever be, to wit, in a minority, and with no hope of changing the national councils in our favour, I cannot see how we are to get rid of the growing usurpations of Congress, but by RESISTANCE. The word resistance, is a startling expression. Men shudder at the thought, and disunion, bloody civil wars, and a thousand chimeras dire, immediately pass in review before the minds of the timid, the quiet, and the good of the community. This is natural. But let people have a little time to be restored to their sober reflections, and they may begin to believe, that it is a mode, by which States, can sometimes come to their chartered rights and liberties, without bloodshed and without noise; although at the same time, resistance ought not to be thought of, unless those who propose it, are prepared for all the consequences. They must not calculate upon the fears of the opposite party. This, no honourable man does, in private disputes. States to be respected, must act as individuals would, under the same circumstances. Nothing must be said or done for effect, or to intimidate This is the course of a coward, who, if he happens to form a wrong estimate of his antagonist, has to retrace all his steps with disgrace.

But the consequences of resistance may not be so awful as some would anticipate. In this Union, there are twenty-four States; the people of which, are spread over a most extensive face of country, embracing a variety of climates. They are, moreover, greatly diversified in their agriculture, pursuits, habits, occupations, and prejudices. But yet these twentyfour Sovereignties, most wonderfully move together, in concerted and harmonious action." What is the link by which they are so intimately connected. It is friendship. It is the principle of a common affection, and a common feeling, inspired by the Revolution, upon which, as yet, rests the whole strength and the power of the Federal Government To this, and this alone, must it look for its security and its permanency. As regards the external enemies, of this league of republics, it must, for the above reason, always be a Government of prodigious physical force and resources. History may never furnish such another example. But, as regards the power of this Government over the States, it is of a different character.What its destiny is to be a century hence, it is not for us to say. It may, perhaps, be physically strong within, as well as without. But, at pre

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sent, it rests on public opinion. It wields, even now, a tremendous power; but the power is altogether a moral power, conveyed to it, by the affections of the people. Let these affections be alienated in one or more sections of the Union, and the Government is without power. It becomes impotent. Of this, we had a memorable example only the other day. A neighbouring State, was in serious collision with the Government, and on a point of sovereignty. The dispute had arrived at a crisis, when nothing was apprehended, but bloodshed and a civil war. The Government of the United States threatened military coercion, and Georgia was to be put

►ʼn by the bayonet. With a promptitude, that ought, in my view, to entitle him to the gratitude of the Southern States, and to hand down to the latest posterity, the name of TROUP, as the most distinguished of ALL the names ENROLLED in favour of STATE RIGH I'S, the interpid GOVERNOR of Georgia, orders out the State Militia, to support and vindicate its outraged sovereignty. The issue is known. Georgia, by THIS DECISIVE example of firmness, preserved her Sovereignty Had Mr. ADAMS, and his thoughtless Secretary of War, reflected before they spoke, they would have known that the United States have not yet advanced far enough towards Consolidation, to possess the power, to coerce a Stateand it was not until force was called for, to put down the rebellious Georgians, that the wise folks at Washington, discovered, for the first time in their lives, that the power of the Government was a moral and not a physical force, and that this same moral power, springing from the affections of the people of Georgia, was likely to be withdrawn, as soon as the Government should speak of sending troops to coerce them.

So will it be with South-Carolina. Let her only WILL that she will not submit to the tariff, and to impertinent interferences of Congress, with her policy, and the business is three-fourths finished.— There will, perhaps, be no necessity for calling out the militia — There will, probably, be no civil war. If an adherence to our rights is likely to cause civil war, our citizens will then have to decide whether they prefer colonial vassalage to resistance, and to civil war. I should hope that there are none such amongst us, who would hesitate in their choice. If war be the result, and the neighbouring States, who have a common interest with us, look on and withhold their assistance, even then, the Government could NOT PUT US DOWN. The only event in which we could be subjugated, would be in case the Southern States, were most unnaturally in league against us. I am opposed to all conventions of States, at the present crisis. In peace even, I will not embarass the Government. will not wage war in disguise. I am for open, undisguised hostility, as soon as resistance shall become necessary. Let South-Carolina act for herself, and the other States for themselves. It is time enough to enter into league when war shall be declared. Should we be even subjugated, what then? We shall have the proud consolation of not having submitted without a struggle, and I shall then, I presume, make as good a colonist as any of my neighbours. There is not an atom of disgrace in being vanquished. But there is meanness in submission. The Polander, in his adversity, is respectable. The Neapolitan despised. He talked and blustered and

the sight of the first Austrian bayonet, scared him into perfect sub

mission.

A

If there be in our system of Goverument, one feature, which is delightful for the real patriot to contemplate, it is that, which shews the inability of the Government to coerce one of its confederated members. If friendship cannot hold us together, force never can. He is much mistaken, who can imagine, that the same physical force, which could enable the Government to put down one of the twenty-four Republics, would not so endanger the whole, as make our government, any thing than what it now is. Into my mind any such idea of any one State being in rebellion against the Government, never once entered. I do not admit the monstrous doctrine that a State can rebel. Whenever a State comes in collision with the Government, it will be on a vital point, otherwise the State would not be supported in its pretensions, by its own people. State can have no possible motive, to dispute the great powers of Congress, for these are expressly delegated, and are beyond all dispute; but the General Government has motives in abundance to crib and steal power from the States. It may, therefore, safely be affirmed that a State can never be wrong, in its disputes about sovereignty. The weak are not willing to provoke the strong, but the strong are always apt to impose upon the weak. A sovereign and independent State, then, in opposition to the Government is not to be treated, as we would treat a band of insurgents, who are acting without the authority of a State Legislature. Such a State is asmuch to be respected by Congress, as if it were a foreign nation. Negotiation is to be resorted to. The Federal Government is a copartnership, between States, as to the exercise of power for the common benefit, and if the partners cannot agree, let them separate peaceably. If the copartnership shall ever be dissolved, the fault will not be with the States, but with Congress." Power is always stealing from the MANY to the FEW."

I am well assured, that the sentiments of these numbers, have not been palatable to some. To all such, I have only to say, that if I am to blame, then some of our most distinguished men are also to blame, for they have inculcated the idea, that to submit to the tariff is degrading, and their speeches imply resistance. When such men as Col. DRAYTON, and Mr. M'DUFFIE, and others, utter their sentiments in public, we are to presume, from their high character, that they would utter what they do not feel. Colonel DRAYTON, to the inhabitants of St. Paul's Parish, said "that if Congress cou impose the Tariff, then is our independence but a phantom; have the patriots of the Revolution, toiled and bled in vain; would it be better for us to return to our former colonial vass Bords when, if unjustly taxed, the burthen was imposed without discrim nation, upon all our countrymen when, if oppressed, our oppres sors were not our representatives; when if enslaved, we were guiltless of forging the chains ourselves, with which our liberty was mar acled." Mr. M'DUFFIE regards "the spirit, which would conver the mass of the people into the tributary vassals of a few lord!

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manufacturers, as not more odious, than would be the degradation of silently, and patiently submitting to the measure of the Tariff." He thinks it idle to talk of moderation and temperance and dis-" passionate deliberation. They do not belong to the occasion." Mr. M'DUFFIE adds, that he has carefully weighed his words, and has uttered none which the occasion did d not, in his judgment, peratively demand, and which he is not fully prepared to vindicate and maintain." Others have spoken to the same effect, but I have not their words.

But let me not be understood by quoting these authorities, as of fering any apology for what I have written. I take shelter under no. man's opinions, not even of such men as Col. DRAYTON, &C. My object has been freely to write what I freely thought, regardless of what might be said of me by this or that man. When, therefore, I have been told of the epithets of "Treason" and "Sedition "being in the mouths of some men who have read these numbers, I could not but smile, that such folks as these, should think, that in a matter which so vitally affects my country, as the Tariff,I should give the least heed to what they could say of me, I have written for the Planters of South-Carolina, and for the Merchants, Mechanics and other freemen of our State, who live amongst us and who are to sink or swim with the Southern Country; and not for those men who in every dispute between the North and the South, on subjects peculiarly connected with our safety or our interests, look to g ton for their instructions. If there be another set of men air ngst us, whose opinions I do disregard, it is those natives, whole for placing under the ban of the Empire, every citen and every printer too, who shall presume to name or pint at dis-union, as if there can be any other ulte or recource, for a State, whose sovereignty is assailed, tha the dissolution of hat compact, already broken by other parties. Least of all de care whether I please those busy politicians, who are moving heaven and earth for JACKSON or for ADAMS, and who are alarmed at any sentiment, which can divert he public mind, from a subject, in which they themselves may have trong interest, and the people of South-Carolina little or none, mpared to the subject of these numbers. To these of the first I offer no advice, excepting that when they send off their inence to their employers, as to the state of public feeling in the Pthey take especial care not to lull them in the belief that the enagainst the Tariff is not a general feeg in South-Carolina, be thead them into difficulties. To th second class, I recom❤

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equent perusal of that fine pas iner, impshire, and other States; rate in the Constitutions P. S. arbitrary power and oppressi

subscripti

Thedoctrine of Non Resist

of the good and happine on is absurd, SLAVISH, f mankind" To the sincere request, that they look alittle more South-Carolina needs at the services, and BOSTON, No of every native and ad Son of the South. ion at parting to all t US a traitor-Do ye th

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