H. of R.] Duties on Wool and Woollens. [JAN. 30, 1827. which, when imported, are subjected to a specific duty. I say no complaints-we have had no memorials nor petitions from them, although we have been told in the course of the debate which has been had, that the hemp-growers of Pennsylvania are not protected. We had no pe. titions from the growers of this article; nor can they say they have not received all the aid and protection the Government promised them: for the duty on this article is a specific duty, and the law in relation to them must have had the operation contemplated. The woollen manufacturers ask for what the hemp growers have already had. I will, for a moment, Mr. Chairman, call the attention of the Committee to the act of 1824. By this act there is a square yard duty upon cotton cloths, and a specific duty on cotton yarn, and neither of these articles from foreign countries could find their way into this, unless smuggled; and smuggling these articles now is altogether out of the question: for there can, under existing circumstances, be no inducements for smuggling; neither of these articles can escape the duties imposed by law upon them. In this act, sir, we find a specific duty on lead, on paints, on hemp, cotton bagging, on iron, iron nails, cut or wrought, on untarred cordage, yarns, twine, iron cables, window glass, certain other articles of glass, paper of different descriptions, on chemicals, and various other articles, and I will not trouble the Committee with an enumeration of but one more, and those interested in these articles have no just cause for complaint. By the act of 1824, a duty was so laid upon all Leghorn hats or bonnets, and all hats or bonnets of chip, straw, or grass, and all flats, braids, or plaits, for making of hats or bonnets, as to operate as a specific duty of fifty cents upon each and every one of these articles imported into this country. servation. In fact, the statements of the petitioners do not appear to be contradicted: for those who oppose the bill, (and I allude, among others, particularly to my friend from New York, Mr. CAMBRELENG,) are willing to extend to the sufferers their sympathy, but at the same time are unwilling to furnish the necessary or required relief. Then, sir, what is their situation? Here is a respectable, industrious, enterprising portion of our fellow citizens, threatened with, nay, on the very brink of ruin, reading their own fate in the fate of others whose doom has been sealed, who ask the Government for protection and relief; and, in asking for that protection and relief, only require the Government to do what it has promised to do to make good its promise; to perform its contract. Si, the manufacturers, in 1824, did not legislateCongress legislated for them, and then said, by their act of legislation, we consider this branch of industry so important it must be prosecuted-the wealth, the necessities, the glory and independence of the nation, require that it should be done; every principle of national policy requires it. We will protect you The manufacturer did not say that act would afford the necessary protection, but Congress, in my opinion, inasmuch as they undertook, by that act, to give the necessary protection, and it fails to do it, are bound to do it by other acts. Sir, the nation has said to these individuals, Go on; pursue this business; we have a deep interest in its success; do your part, and the aid of the nation shall not be refused you. The manufacturers, under the plighted faith of the nation, have purchased their sites, built their mills, completed their machinery, engaged and taken into their employ the necessary artisans, purchased the necessary raw materials, prosecuted the business as long as they were able; now tell us that at no period were they able to realize any thing like a profit, and, for the last year, have sunk (those who still survive) one half of their capital, and that another year would complete their ruin. It remains to be seen whether the Government will make good to those individuals what they have promised, what they have done for other classes of the community, what they have done for the cotton manufacturers. What was their situation after the ruinous tariff of 1816, and, in truth, worse than their situation at that time, is now the situation of the manufacturers of wool; and they ask for no more than was in 1824 done for them: that fair protection that will place them in competition with the skill, enterprise, and industry, with their capital limited as it may be, of the manufacturers in Europe, and in other parts of the world. There are the same reasons for the interference now in behalf of these, there was heretofore in behalf of the other description. Some of the benefits of the protection given to the former interests, I shall find, perhaps, occasion to notice in the course of my remarks. Give them all the aid and protection you have given others-all the nation has promised-and there will be many disadvantages under which they must labor for years to come, to which I will not now advert. We are not now, sir, I repeat it, called upon to settle any new question. The voice of the nation has already been expressed on the subject; the principles of the tariff have already been settled, and other interests will not suffer; and the argument, that we are called upon to make a tariff which would require time, and which must be the result of a compromise, will not obtain if we are only called upon to carry into effect what the act of 1824 contemplated should be effectual. I have already stated that the promised and expected aid and protection, so far as the cotton manufacturers were interested, have been secured and realized, because the The courts of the United States have determined that duties on cotton goods were so imposed, the law could palm, or palmetto leaf, is neither chip, straw, nor grass; not, (I say could not,) and certainly has not been evaded. and we are bound by their decision, although the TreaSir, we hear of no complaints from any of those interest-sury Department, acting upon the intentions of Congress, ed in the growth or nianufacture of those articles here, has determined differently.. Would Congress, at a proper The policy of the Government in imposing this duty is obvious; it was intended as a protecting duty for the benefit of those who are engaged in the manufacture of hats, caps, and bonnets, of straw, chip, or grass, in the United States; the manufacture of which employs about twenty-five thousand persons, chiefly females, and produces, or has produced, 325,000 dollars in Massachusetts alone; and the value of this manufacture in the United States has been estimated at a million and a half of dollars. Congress intended to protect this manufacture. But suppose, Mr. Chairman, and I make the supposition to enforce my argument relative to the woollen manufactures, that the clause which I have read was not extensive enough to include all the articles which might be imported to the injury of this manufacture, and other articles were imported, although it was evidently the intention of Congress that they should not be, subject only to an ad valorem duty of twelve and a half per cent., would it not now be proper for us to interfere to carry into effect what was intended and contemplated by the act? And would it be contended that it could not be done without disturbing the whole tariff? I appre hend, sir, no such results would be produced; and no such consequences would follow. Sir, in relation to this very interest, this manufacture, of which straw, chip, and grass, are the raw materials, there has been an oversight on the part of Congress: for, notwithstanding the provisions of that act, hats made from the palm, or palmetto leaf, can be imported into the United States, and are imported, subject only to an ad valorem duty of twelve and a half per cent., to the great injury of this manufacture, and which, without the aid of the Legislature of the nation, may destroy the whole of the manufacture of which I have been speaking. time, refuse, by an amendment, to include hats, &c. of this manufacture among those enumerated in the clause that I have read? In doing this, they would be doing no more than what they intended to have done. For two sessions, Mr. Chairman, I have, by resolutions which I have had the honor to submit, directed the attention of the Committee on Manufactures to this subject, and would now, were I not opposed to any amendment which would or could in any possible mode embarrass it, introduce an amendment which I had prepared, and have now in my desk, that would furnish the remedy to the injury that will check the progress of this manufacture ; | and in doing which, I should not be disturbing the tariff of 1824. And so, also, Mr. Chairman, if the act of 1824, in relation to the woollen manufactures, has not been operative, to give to it now the operation it was intended it should heretofore have had, will not be disturbing the tariff-the result, as we have been told, of a general compromise. From the view I have taken of the act of 1824, it appears to me that all the principal interests which it was passed to protect have been protected, (and such is the common operation of this act,) except that of the woollen manufacturer-an interest as important as any in this country, and one, in my opinion, which should be as much or more cherished than any other. I shall now attempt to show that this interest has not had the expected protection, nor that aid and protection which it was the object of the law to give to it. At any rate, the common operation of the law has not been such; and I care not, so far as relates to the interest I advocate, whether the act of 1824 has been rendered nugatory by smuggling, by false invoices, or by the act of 1818, appointing appraisers in the principal cities, and authorizing the employment of them under certain circumstances in others, being ineffectual-the importation of cloths, and the evasion of the act in that way, in an unfinished state-the effect upon the woollen manufacturers is the same, and the obligation of the Government to apply the remedy, or to furnish a redress for the grievance complained of, is the same. [H. of R. in the situation of those who ask for a boon, or the adoption of a measure of doubtful expediency; they do not ask us to pass a new tariff, or to revise an old one, any further than it may be found necessary to carry into ef fect the provisions of the old one. And, sir, after the Government has done all that can be well required, those who are directly interested in these manufactures will have difficulties enough to contend against, and obstacles which the Government cannot remove or avoid. It will be recollected that the manufacture of wool is one of the principal manufactures of our great rival, England, and one of the principal articles of her exports; and her manufacturers, as well as her merchants, have a direct interest in monopolizing, with woollen cloth, the markets of the world. The history of that country, for the last fifty years, warrants me in saying that the whole attention of the Govetnment, as well as the exertions of the citizens, will be, as they have been, directed to that object. Against all the measures of a foreign rival, the American manufacturer does not, nor cannot, expect the ener gies of the Government of the United States will be directed. To do this, would be doing more for one branch of national industry than could be done, in justice, to other branches and other interests. It would, or in some cases might, operate like exclusive patronage to one branch of industry, to the great injury of others. Thus At the time the American manufacturers commenced their operations, they had a right to expect they would suffer, by the means of credits given to the importation of woollen manufactures at the customhouse; the advantage which the foreigner would have over them, arising from the difference of exchange, the opportunities he would have by means of sales at auction, by glutting and controlling our markets, with the other advantages arising from a greater amount of capital, the lower rate of interest, and lesser price of labor. Although Congress has the power to control and regulate these sales by auction, and to prevent the serious mischiefs growing out of them, I hope the time will soon arrive when they will do it; yet, inasmuch as the attention of the Committee, Sir, it was not the business of the manufacturer, at by the bill before us, is not directed to a consideration of the time he had the assurance of Government, if not that subject, I will not detain them by a consideration of the guarantee, that he should be protected, to antici-it at this time. What has not the English Government pate the evasions of the act of Congress, either by done to promote their manufactures? So important has smuggling or otherwise but it was rather the business that nation considered them, since the passage of our act of the Government to prevent any evasions of their of 1824, that, to maintain a monopoly, and to encourage own act. The memorials which have been presented their own manufactures, they have taken the excise off of to us this session, show that the act of Congress has soap, and admitted foreign wool free of duty. not had the desired nor the intended effect, and refer far, in my remarks, it has been my purpose to show that us to facts which must convince every one that many the provisions of this bill only secure to the manufacturer woollen goods have been smuggled into this country; of wool what, upon a fair calculation, he had a right to that false invoices have been made out; that the law expect from the act of 1824. And if I am right on the of 1818, authorizing the appointment of appraisers, ground I have assumed, and positions I have taken, the has not been able to detect or prevent these frauds; manufacturers have a right to claim it at our hands, and that cloths have been imported in an undressed state, we are bound to give them what this bill provides for liable to low duties in the state in which they were them. imported, and which have been finished in this country at a very trifling expense, and in our market have taken the place of the fine fabrics of our own manufacture. These statements have been made by those who are concerned and interested in our woollen manufactures, and they have not been contradicted by gentlemen on this floor. These are evils within the power of Government to remove; which the Government is bound to remove; and not to do it would be a breach of faith on the part of the Government to its citizens. Sir, every Government must be just to its citizens, and a breach of faith to them is worse than a breach of faith to foreign nations. I submit to the Committee, in this stage of my remarks, that the petitioners, those who have memorialized us, and for whose aid and relief this hill is reported, are not But, sir, suppose that bill, in its operations, does something more than carry into operation the act of 1824; afford more protection, give more aid and support than what was contemplated by that, or the Congress of 1824 intended-and shall we refuse to pass this bill? Even in this case, I contend that we ought to pass the bill, and give the aid and protection which this bill provides. Sir, if we believe the representations made to us by a very respectable portion of our fellow-citizens, the manufacturers cannot pursue their business another year. If they attempt it, their ruin is inevitable. Thousands, and ten thousands, have already been ruined. Those with the greatest share of capital, at no period of time, made more than one or two per cent. ; and for the last year, have lost more than half their capital, and must, from necessity, abandon their employ before another year comes round, unless they receive the aid and protection of the Government. [JAN. 30, 1827. | brow; the earth is still taxed for a great share of our sustenance, and cannot be cultivated by steam power, water power, or any of the labor-saving machines which modern inventions have introduced; under the most favorable circumstances, his profits are small, and never sure or certain. The agriculturists are never forgotten when the exigencies of the country require the aid of its citizens; their lands are pledged for the nation's debt; and, whenever the tax gatherer, or the tax assessor calls, their estates cannot be hidden, or their property placed under a bushel. The farmer, by his labor, sustains nearly all; and his property is liable to pay all. And it appears to me, Mr. Chairman, we have now in our hands the destinies of these establishments; and, unless we at this session give the required aid, for years, perhaps for half a century, this Government will not be troubled with their petitions or complaints; for the little capital left will find other channels, and they will not be long known as a branch of the industry, or a part of the enterprise of our country. The question, then, recurs-Are we prepared to sacrifice this interest, and become lookers on, and see the woollen m anufacturers fall victims to a mistaken policy of the nation? Sir, I think not. It is said forty millions of capital are directly Sir, if this interest is modest and unassuming, shall we embarked in the woollen manufactories; and, I am war- neglect it? I trust not. For the last five years, no interanted in saying, more than one hundred, perhaps five rest has suffered so much as that of the farmer. Where hundred millions are indirectly interested in their pros-grain has been, and still is, the staple; where large flocks perity and success. The agriculture of all the Eastern of sheep are raised, the wool growers have incurred heaStates must rely upon these and other manufactures for vy expenses in improving their flocks; and I can very the success of those engaged in agricultural pursuits; well recollect when a merino buck sold for $1,000. and there is hardly one State North of the Potomac, but I can very well recollect the time when wool was sold must soon rely upon them, with the other manufacturers at from $1 to $2 per pound, according to quality; when, of the country, for a home market. If, sir, I am right in by the quantity, the sales were quick at $1 and at 75 these positions, Congress will pause before they deny cents. But, sir, how stands the case now? Sheep of or withhold the protection solicited; before they blast the choicest kind are sold at $3 to $4; and flocks at $1 the hopes of such a proportion of the industrious and or $2 per head; wool from 20 to 35 cents per pound. enterprising citizens of this country. The capital that is What interest has suffered so much, according to this now directly embarked in these manufactures, could not statement, (and I vouch for the correctness of it,) as the soon be replaced, if the same should be suddenly with- wool growers? And what interest has better claims on drawn. The moneys expended have been expended more the Government for aid and protection? And what proin reference to the quantities which those engaged in tection can be given but a homne market? Sir, the section these manufactures expected hereafter to have manufac- of the country which I represent, has had its full measure tured, than the quantity they have manufactured. They of sufferings. The attention of the farmer has been dihave incurred great and heavy expenses, as I have before rected to the rearing of sheep from necessity. Time was observed, in the purchase of the sites for their mills, col- when the tenants of the soil, and those who rented our lecting their machinery, selection of their artificers, as farms, had other resources; when there was a sure well as the purchase of the raw materials to be wrought market for grain of a certain kind, and I refer to barley, up in the manufacture of cloths; and this ought to be 200,000 bushels of which were raised in the State of another consideration with us, if we think these manu Rhode Island, and some of the adjoining counties of anofactures ought to be promoted in this country, and are ther State, and when they were sure of an abundant harnot prepared to say we can do better without them than vest. For this there is no longer a market, nor are they we can do with them; or, in other words, it better ac- any longer able to raise it. Cut off from this resource, cords with our free institutions, the principles of our wool is their only dependence; deprived of this, many Government, and the policy of our country, to pay of our farms would be hardly worth improving. Amidst others for manufacturing those articles for us which we these privations, they are sufferers from another circan better manufacture for ourselves, than others can do cumstance. Low as is their produce, labor is as high as for us. Sir, I will for a moment ask the indulgence of the in the best of times. The spirit for internal improveCommittee, while I advert to those other portions of the ments, making of roads, cutting of canals, erection of for community which have a direct interest in woollen and tifications, and the high price for seamen, has driven the other manufactures. Upon a fair calculation, and, in farmer to the maximum price for labor. The calamities fact, from returns as near correct as could be made of and sufferings to which I have referred are not confined the whole inhabitants of these United States, 83 in eve- to the Eastern States, nor to the one from which I come. ry 100 are engaged in agriculture; and, manufacturing The grain-growing States of New York, Pennsylvania, and commercial as the State which I represent, is, there and other States, have their full share. But a few years is nearly that proportion engaged in agricultural pur- ago, flour was 10 and 15 dollars per barrel, wheat two suits in the State of Rhode Island. What class of the dollars per bushel. What is now their condition, notcommunity deserves the protection and encouragement withstanding the high price of labor? Why, sir, wheat of the Government more than this class' And at an early at 50 cents per bushel, and flour at three and four dollars period of the session I had the honor of introducing a per barrel, and the same falling off in other articles. How resolution, calling the attention of the Committee on can it be said, that, in creating a home market for these Manufactures to the wool growers. I would not give articles, we are taxing the interests of the poor, the inmy vote to aid any interest that would injure this. It terests of those who raise them? Sir, I ani in favor of has been truly said, they never petition nor complain, this bill: First, because I admire, and consider myself in but are patient and quiet under their sufferings, in the duty bound to encourage and protect, the enterprise and worst of times. Our own observations, as well as the exertions of the woollen manufacturers; and I know the history of our country, show this. During our restrictive industry and enterprise of those 1 represent. But, sir, I system, our embargoes, our non importation acts, and our am more in favor of the bill because it protects, or is calwar, none suffered more, and none complained less. They culated to protect and sustain, the cultivators of our soil, were not for rebellion, because their interests were af- the interests of those with whom 1 became connected by fected; nor did they array themselves in opposition to the earliest associations-interests which, I trust, I shall the constituted authorities, nor unfurl the banner of op- never forget, and which I hope I shall never neglect. position. On this class of the community the primeval curse still remains; the farmer has still to delve the earth, and to work, and labor, and live by the sweat of his It remains to be shown that the wool growers are capable of supplying all the wants of the woollen manufac turers. Of this I have no doubt; and was it not for the JAN. 30, 1827.] Duties on Wool and Woollens. [H. of R. The present depressed state of our woollen manufactures, I By these statistics it will appear, that we have not now would now vote for total prohibition of foreign wool a market abroad, and must look for one at home. At this time, one half of the wool manufactured here, is cotton manufactures have already created a partial one, the growth of the country; and it is within the knowledge which our domestic manufacture will increase and make of those whose attention has been directed to the rearing complete. I am not able to state the number of barrels of sheep, that our flocks could be quadrupled in six, and of flour consumed in the manufacturing establishments nearly doubled in three years. Give but the necessary near Providence, Rhode Island, in the neighborhood of stimulus, and the increase might be, for ten years to come, which there are one hundred and fifty. Two hundred in geometrical ratio. Our country is every way calcu- thousand bushels of corn was sold in the Providence mar. lated for this increase. We have the humid atmosphere ket the year past; the quantity of bread-stuffs consumed of England; the sunny hills of Spain; the soil and cli- in the manufactories already established in our country, mate congenial to this race of animals, with land in abun-is nearly equal to the quantity exported. Is not, from dance. The Island of Rhode Island, fourteen miles long, this view of the case, the home market already establishand less than three miles wide, has now nearly thirty ed, of some consequence to the agriculturist of the counthousand; and it is capable of sustaining fifty thousand. try? and has it not been shown that the owners and culOhio, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and New York, could, in a tivators of the soil have some interest in the success of few years, with their flocks, supply all the woollen manu- these establishments? Let it not be repeated, that, so factories that would be established in twenty years." It far as agriculture is concerned, we are taxing one interis said there are in the United States, 15,000,000 sheep. est to support another. I am aware, sir, that there is The country is capable of sustaining 200,000,000. An another interest in this country, known by the name of honorable gentleman from New York, now in my eye, the planting interest, including the agricultural interest [Mr. MILLER,] represents a district which has 300,000; of the Southern States; they, it is said, are to be taxed and has constituents who have flocks of more than 3,000. for the benefit of the manufacturers of the North and MidAnother honorable gentleman from the same State, [Mr. dle States; and some gentlemen argue upon the suppoROSE, has lately exhibited samples of wool of his own sition, that the Southern States are never to receive or growing, pronounced by judges to be finer than the fin- realize any benefit from the success of our manufactures. est Saxony imported wool. As to the quantity and quali- It will be recollected that the same hue and cry was raisty of this article, we need not have the apprehensions ex-ed against the protection and aid of the manufacturers of pressed by the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania, the coarser cotton fabrics; and what has been the result of Mr. INGHAM,] in the course of this debate, nor be alarm the protection given to those manufacturers? Our friends ed, lest the manufacturers of the former fabrics will suffer, in the South get those articles for one half the price they should this bill pass, because a little direct protection, by formerly paid for them, and of a much better quality. the terms of the bill, is given to the wool grower. The manufacture of them makes a market for the products of the soil, and secures to them a home market, of which nothing but the failure of these manufactures can deprive them. Mr. Chairman, on the subject-matter of this home market, which I say must be created for the benefit of our agriculturists, and which can alone be created by our manufactures, as to the necessity of one, and assuming that our products are as great now as they ever were, and can be greatly increased, let us advert to the quantity of exports of bread stuffs, and other products, for some years past. The tables I exhibit will show the quantity exported in the years 1790 and 1825, and the proceeds of exports in the years 1803 and 1825. We must bear in mind that, notwithstanding the excess in the year 1790, that year presented a most disordered state of our affairs; the reign of paper money, appraisement, and ten-pared with the privations and taxes to which they are der laws, &c. &c. Flour, QUANTITIES. EXPORTS. 1790. 1825. bbls. 724,623 1,124,456 Indian corn, do. 2,102,137 Rice, tierces 100,845 813,906 17,990 869,644 97,015 40,959,000 3,330 26,372,115 Staves & head'g, ft. Tobacco, hhds. EXPORTS. Flour, Indian corn, 36,402,301 118,460 280,133 But admit, Sir, that, for a few years, the planting interest would be partially taxed for woollen goods-although I do not believe it would for two years, or any considera. ble period of time-such would be the competition of our manufacturers, after the foreign manufacturers are driven from our markets, and cease to have the monopoly of them, our own would be sold for a small and steady profit, and would be much cheaper than foreign fabrics. What would this tax be? What these privations, com always liable when dependent upon foreign markets? What was the situation of the planter during the late war? What was the situation of the whole country, arising from the want of these manufactures? Profit and loss of the Deercase. Increase. planter must not be estimated by the profit or loss of a single year. Let the planter calculate what the difference will be to him, in ten years, between the use of foreign fabrics and those of our own country, manufactured by an interest properly protected, and he will find, instead of a tax, a direct gain, as in the case of the coarser cotton cloths. I will not dwell longer on the agricultural or planting interests, for the purpose of showing that they will not suffer by what is asked for by this bill. The interest of both will be promoted by the passage of it; and without this, one will not, in a few years, be worth pursuing. The farmer will be obliged to abandon his farm, to Decrease. Increase. get rid of the taxes which are assessed upon it. A sale of : }{9,310,000 4,212,127 Rice, 2,025,000 18,570 429,926 1,925,245 Lumber, 2,800,000 1,650,218 6,209,000 Flaxseed, 465,000 460,000 Produce of animals 4,135,000 6,115,623 Tobacco, Naval stores 42,476 8 5,079,303 1,595,074 529,755 1,149,782 it will be out of the question, unless he should be blessed with a stream of water, with a head and fall of some ten or twelve feet; it can then be advantageously sold to cotton manufacturers where on to erect cotton mills. Will the passage of this bill affect our foreign commerce, our navigation generally; and will it, in fact, af93,377 230,155 fect our Revenue? I apprehend it will not. As our 3,897 woollen manufactures increase, there will be an increased 1,998,459 demand for those materials used in the manufacture of 10,675,905 3,897 cloth, many of which, if not the most of them, must, for years, be imported. It will be recollected, that in the VOL. III.-56 H. of R.] Duties on Wool and Woollens. manufacture of woollen cloth, wool is but one article among the many which are used. Soap, olive oil, indigo, woad, dye-stuffs generally, with other articles, not the growth or produce of our country, must also be used, and these must all be imported. These cloths may also form an article of export. Hereafter, the manufacture of cloths in this country may successfully compete with the British manufactures in the foreign markets-30,000,000 of which are exported annually, one-third of which, I am sorry to say, is imported into this country; and the export of this article alone may employ ten times the amount of tonnage now employed in the exportation of similar articles from England. The prejudices of many of our commercial men have ceased to operate or influence their conduct. Merchants of Boston and Salem, as intelligent and enterprising as those of New York, are now satisfied that giving aid to the manufacturing interest, and more especially to the manufactures of wool, will greatly increase our commercial interest. The leading commercial papers in both of those places, on these grounds, but a few months ago, advocated the interest which I now advocate. There are no merchants in the country who beter understand their own interest than those of Boston and Salem. It will be admitted that the manufactures of cotton are now a great article of export; they find their way into the ports of South America, into many of the ports of Europe, the Islands of the West Indies, and the ports of the Mediterranean. They are articles of consumption in every part of the country. By these alone new life and vigor are given to our commerce and navigation, and the coasting trade. Let us but for a moment consider the benefits which have resulted from our cotton manufactures, and the additional benefits which will be the result of due and proper encouragement to our woollen manufactures. More than three thousand coasting vessels entered, the year past, a port in Rhode Island; and a constant line is kept up between that port, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, and many other places, freighted with the domestic goods, or laden with the raw materials for these manufactures, or the articles of subsistence for those employed in or about them. And, Mr. Chairman, ask yourself the number of coasting vessels that will be employed hereafter, give but the proper encouragement, in bringing to our Atlantic ports the produce of the interior of New York, Pennsylvania, the Western and Southern States; which, by the means of Canals, will soon, with a very small expense, be carried to their proper places of deposite on the Atlantic shores, to be carried coastwise to places where the home market would require them to Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and to some ports in the State of Maine-taking in return the manufactured articles of these places. This description of tonnage will be increased, in a few years, ten-fold, and our country share the benefits and advantages resulting from it. Every manufacturing establishment must be, and soon is, surrounded with houses; they rise like exhalation; and the necessary transportation of lumber alone will furnish employ for an almost incalculable number of vessels. Sir, I will not detain the Committee longer with this part of my argument. What I contend for, is too clear to be longer dwelt upon. But we are told this proposed change will affect our Revenue. This has not been shown to my satisfaction; and how it will have that effect, I am at a loss to discover. Preventing frauds upon the Revenue may lessen the amount of British manufactures which find their way into this country; but I think it fair to presume, that, although the quantity imported may not equal the amount heretofore imported-and I assume this point for the argument alone-I will, by-and-by, show that there will probably be as great importations as heretofore. The duties collected may be as great as heretofore. Under the contemplated act there can be no frauds upon the Re [JAN. 30, 1827. venue, except by smuggling; but, Sir, it appears to me, a moment's attention to the bill will show, that, although different descriptions of goods may be imported, we have a right to expect the same amount; and if this be the case, the Revenue will be increased, instead of being lessened: for it will be better collected. There will be but a few goods imported of a lesser value than 40 cents per square yard; and, of course, the lower priced goods will be excluded. But there is no restraint upon those of that price-and those of that price can be imported without any additional tax on them. It is true, that, by this act, but few goods between 40 cents and $2 50 would be imported; but those valued at $2 50 could be as well imported, and goods of that description would be those at present most wanted. Goods of the finer cast would, as heretofore, be imported, to wit: those which, at the place whence imported, cost $4 the square yard. The result of this examination, Mr. Chairman, is this: that although goods of the coarser kinds could not find their way here, those of the finer would. The probability is, the impor tations would be as great, or at any rate the Revenue would not suffer. A few moments' attention, more particularly to the objections I have heard raised to this bill, and I will give the floor to any one who may be pleased to follow me. We are told, this bill taxes the poor for the benefit of the rich; this has not been made to appear to my satisfaction. If giving employment to the farmer, mechanic, and the common laborer, imposes this tax, then are they taxed; and it appears to me, gentlemen who hazard this assertion, look at only one side of the question-altogether at the loss, and not at the profit; are hurried away at the idea that the poorer classes will be obliged to give some shillings more for a jacket, without any profit on their part. Sir, labor, productive labor, is the wealth of a nation; and whatever system in its operation gives employment to those, who, without it, would be without employ, adds to the comfort of the poor, as well as to the wealth of a nation. The opposers of this bill tell us they want more time; when the claims of these manufacturers have been subjects of discussion for nearly a year, and their complaints have been made for more than two. The gentleman from New York, who has been an anti-tariff leader for these eight or ten years, who has written as well as spoken against the tariff, wants to hear from his constitu ents before he can be prepared to act upon this bill. My word for it, that gentleman is never sleeping on his post, when any question is agitated which can affect the merchant of the city of New York. I consider this objection altogether a specious one; and the gentleman will not at any time be better prepared with his objections than he now is. Some gentlemen say this bill will be a prohibition. I have already noticed that objection, and have shown that more goods may be imported under the opera. tion of the intended act, than heretofore have been. We are told, Mr. Chairman, by the gentleman from Pennsyl vania, that the duty on wool is wholly delusive; that the wool-grower is to be the sufferer by this duty. I confess I did not understand the gentleman's argument. If the wool-grower were to be encouraged, and the manufac turer to have no aid, then the farmer would have no market, and what was intended to aid him would be injuri ous. But, Sir, protection by the bill is given to both. If sufficient wool can be procured in the country-and who will say it cannot-encouragement is given to both. The Committee who reported the bill, had the aid and information of some of the principal manufacturers in Rhode Island and Massachusetts, and they view this subject in a very different light from the gentleman from Pennsylva nia. It is viewed in a different light by a memorial now before me. I will read but one sentence: "It must not "be for the interest of the manufacturers of the wool, to "have the duty on the foreign wool reduced, as they |