terest might be injured by the publication of the instructions. It was to prevent any objections of this kind, and to meet the views of gentlemen who supposed there might be an impropriety in making the call without this reservation, that he had given this direction to the resolution. It has been alleged, said Mr. W., that these Indians are entirely illiterate, and that scarcely one of them can write. He knew one of the individuals whose names appear in these documents, who was a man of intelligence, and he was pleased to find that, in these communications and arguments, the Indians had elevated themselves far above the reasoning of our Commissioners. He was glad, said Mr. W., that the practice of conducting our negotiations by written notes, of which the gentleman from Georgia appears to complain, has been introduced. It enables us to judge more correctly of the character of the negotiations; and to know better the course pursued in conducting them. In this instance, the Commissioners complain that the Indians had determined not to allow a voluntary expression of opinion or a fair decision to be made in regard to their proposals. The Indians in answer say, "a resolution, it is true, was "entered into, that, if any man should so far forget his "duty as to accept money as a bribe to sell his country, "he should suffer a severe penalty. But this measure, "whether necessary or not, was not unjustifiable. The "circumstances of the times, perhaps, called for it." These individuals, however illiterate, have proved to us that they could not be bribed by any inducement to sell their country. They are entitled to our respect. He wished the resolution, for the reasons he had stated, might be permitted to pass. [At this point, the further discussion of the resolution was arrested by the SPEAKER-the hour appropriated to resolutions having expired.] EXCHANGE OF STOCKS. The House, in Committee of the Whole, then proceeded, on motion of Mr. COOK, to the consideration of the bill "authorizing the Secretary of the Trea"sury to exchange a stock, of five per cent. to the amount "of sixteen millions of dollars, for certain stocks of six per cent., and to borrow a sum equal to any deficiency "in the said amount authorized to be exchanged.' [This motion was opposed by Mr. MALLARY, who had moved to go into committee, for the purpose of taking up the woollen duties bill; but the motion prevailed, ayes 70, noes 63.] per [H. of R. ceeding years. He had made an estimate, by which it would appear to the House, that, if $ 10,000,000 should be applied annually to the discharge of the public debt, for three years after the present, it would leave $4,480,295 for the year 1831. But should the exchange not be effected, this sum must be increased by the difference of interest between five and six per cent. during the years 1829 and 1830; and the saving of one per cent. on $4,480,295, would swell the amount of savings to about $50,000 more. The amount could not be exactly determined, because, the period could not now be accurately known on which the interest was to be calculated. With these explanations he should submit the bill, unless farther detail should be required by the House. Mr. VERPLANCK observed, that the object proposed by the bill was economy. What it proposed was, to place 16,000,000 of six per cent stock on such a basis as would place the loan at five per cent. This measure had been recommended last year by the Secretary of the Treasury. When that report was made, he had felt not a little surprised that another alternative besides those of a loan and of an exchange of stock had not presented itself to that officer. He thought there remained yet another expedient, different from both these, and on several accounts more advantageous. He thought it ought to be placed within the reach of the Executive, that the three modes might be left to his discretion. He referred to the issuing of Treasury notes bearing interest. Under this impression, he had drawn up an amendment adding several new sections to the bill. They were to be inserted between the third and fourth sections of it, and their object was, to authorize the President to issue an amount of Treasury notes not exceeding the whole sum now proposed to be loaned to be made transferable, and to bear such interest as was expressed on the face of the note, and running one year, eighteen months, or two years. The Secretary of the Treasury was then authorized to borrow money on the faith of these notes, and to apply the amount thus obtained to the payment of the public debt. : [Mr. VERPLANCK here sent to the Chair the amendment proposed by him.] Mr. MALLARY moved that the further consideration of this bill be postponed, to give opportunity for the printing of the amendment, and that the committee now take up the bill for the protection of the woollen manufacturer: but withdrew the motion at the request of Mr. DWIGHT, who suggested that unless the object proposed by this bill should be carried into effect immediately, the entire benefit to be derived from it would be lost. The critical state of things in Europe, at this moment, was such that, in a few weeks, the state of exchange might be so affected as to render the bill nuga tory. The bill proposes an exchange of six per cent. for five per cent. stock-and many preferred such a measure to a loan from the Bank of the United States. If it were done at all, it must be done promptly. There was nothing complicated or hard to be understood in the motion of the gentleman from New York; and if the experiments should shew that the Government were unable to effect such an exchange, or to take up such a loan, it might be very proper to resort to an issue of Treasury nctes. But, as to any difficulty in effecting the exchange, he was able to state that the holders of the six per cent. stock would be glad to make it-and on $22,000,000 of such stock it would save from $410 to $440,000. He presumed, therefore, that the House, without any long discussion, would reject the amendment and pass the bill. Mr. COOK then went into a brief explanation of the purposes of the bill. He observed that there would be due, and payable, during the present year, of the six cent. stock of the United States, the amount of $22,348,433, and in the year 1828, there would be due and payable of the same stock, the sum of $9,490,099. It must be obvious, that, during the present year, the revenue was not able to pay what fell due this year. By a transfer of 16,000,000 of this amount to the years 1829 and 1830, there would be a saving effected of $413,313, arising from the difference of interest between six per cent. and five per cent. This would leave a balance of $6,348,433, payable the present year, and subject to the operation of the sinking fund. If to this was added the interest, it would make a sum of $9,733,179, subject to the operation of that fund, a sum which nearly reached the annual limit of that fund, which was 10,000,000 by law. Should this plan be adopted, the amount to be paid during the years 1827 and 28, would be about 15,000,000; and then 16,000,000 would be left for the years 1829 and '30. By exchanging stock at six per cent for that at five, the sum of $413,333 would be saved. The bill, therefore,ject, there appeared to exist a wide difference of opinion rested on the principles of economy, and the experiment of such an exchange would be worth trying, if its only effect should be to equalize the debt among the four suc VOL. III.-55 Mr. MALLARY said that, on this very important sub between two highly intelligent gentlemen. It was probable, therefore, the discussion would be prolonged. He, therefore, renewed his motion to postpone the fur H. of R.] Chickasaw and Choctaw Indians. [JAN. 30, 1827. ther consideration of this bill, and pass to that on wool-the proposition of the gentleman from New York. It lens. The motion was negatived. In reply to an inquiry of Mr. COOK, Mr. VERPLANCK went on to explain the nature of his proposition with respect to the Treasury notes. was subject, however, he thought, to some obvious ob- TUESDAY, JAN. 30, 1827. CHICKASAW AND CHOCTAW INDIANS. The intention was, not to propose this as a last resort, in case neither the exchange of stock, nor the loan could be effected, but to leave it optional with the President to adopt whichever of the three measures he might deem | most expedient, or take part in one mode and part in another. His object in the proposal was public economy. If the holders of the six per cent. stock should decline the proposed exchange, resort was then proposed to a loan for such a loan there was but one bidder, that he knew of on this side the Atlantic, and that was the Bank of the United States. Whatever terms that Bank pre-ed, as, in each year, to enable the Treasury to meet the scribed, the Government must subscribe to. But should the expedient of Treasury notes be resorted to, it would give to the Government a chance of competition. It would enable the Government to say to the Bank, "If you will not loan us this money at a certain rate-say "44 per cent. we shall try some other expedient. Treasury notes will enable us to do this because they may "be issued for smaller sums, and thus increase the num"ber of bidders." In this way the Government might be enabled to make a better bargain. There was nothing incredible in the idea, that it might get a premium on the five per cent. stock. In New York, this had frequently happened, and loans had been taken at 4 per cent. This was the first advantage arising from the plan. Another advantage attending it, was, that Treasury notes might be issued at a low interest. Great convenience attended such notes throughout the money market. De posites, as now made in banks, drew no interest, and, during the whole time the money lay there, the interest was lost to the owner. But, if deposites should be made in Treasury notes, the interest would still be going on.tion was suddenly discussed the other day, he was at a It would be extremely convenient for banks to have a loss to know what object its advocates had in view, and part of their capital in these notes. It would not then therefore voted in favor of the proposition of the honorafie dead; and if they could not get five per cent. they ble member from Tennessee to lay it on the table, in ormight be willing to take three. Treasury notes, at a der to give time for reflection. The further discussion very low interest, would sell at par. It had been sug- of this subject since, said he, has still failed, in my humgested to him by a gentleman of great knowledge and ble opinion, to disclose any laudable object to be obtainexperience in fiscal operations, whose name he was noted by it. The Commissioners having failed to accompermitted to disclose, but if disclosed, it would command great influence in this House, that Treasury notes, bearing an interest on the face of them of 3 per cent. might be issued at par; there would thus be a saving of 1 per cent on the $16,000,000, which would amount to $200,000 for this year, and something less for the next. The third advantage attending the plan was, that Treasury notes were more manageable than a loan. A loan was a fixed thing, payable by long instalments of one and two years; but Treasury notes might be so issued as to suit the varying state of the Treasury, at six, at nine, at eighteen months, or more. These notes, too, might be reabsorbed by the Treasury, through the Land Offices, and through the Customs, though some discretion must, of course, be exercised in such an operation. But five per cent. stock was more unmanageable, and lay long in the Treasury unproductive; it brought, too, a lower rate of interest. Treasury notes would sell at a higher rate than stock. Even during the late war, Treasury notes bearing five and two fifths interest, were at or near par, while seven per cent. stocks were fifteen or twenty below it. These notes suffered a much less depression, and were very often near par. There was another end for which they were then very useful, and might be useful still, though not in so great a degree, that is, to furnish a circulating medium. Mr. V. concluded with a brief recapitulation of these several advantages. Mr. COOK then said, that he should consider himself as acting rashly, should he decide thus suddenly against plish the object of their appointment, their commission terminated, and I cannot see the propriety of calling for a copy of their instructions, unless I infer it from the general tenor of the remarks of the honorable member from Ohio yesterday, having a tendency indirectly to censure the Commissioners. The principal ground upon which this presumption is attempted to be raised, is the extravagant sum proposed as an equivalent for the country contemplated to be purchased; and the gentleman has informed us that, instead of one million of dollars, exclusive of pay for improve. ments, expense of transportation, &c. that the whole amount would have been twenty millions or more. Now, with due deference to the opinion of that gentleman, I am compelled to believe he is totally mistaken. I have formed my opinion, sir, from the proceedings of the Commissioners as published, and information I have col. lected from other sources. There is nothing in these documents to authorize such a conclusion. The honorable member from Ohio, however, has seen or corresponded with some person "who cannot be bribed," from whom he derives this information. Now, sir, I am sorry he did not furnish us with the name of this individual, in order that we might judge how far his statements, impeaching the integrity of the Commissioners, might be entitled to weight. I will not say that the individual is not entitled to credence, but I will say, that any man who has aban. doned civil society and taken refuge in a savage wild, for the purpose of avoiding the punishment due his crimes, JAN. 30, 1827.] Chickasaw and Choctaw Indians. [H. of H. whom he alludes. He said it would be found, that, by a solemn treaty held some time since with the Shawnee nation of Indians residing in Missouri, that the Govern ment had stipulated to procure for them a tract of country West of the Mississippi, for and in consideration of certain lands by them ceded to the United States, and that the United States should furnish them with the means necessary to enable them to remove to their new territory. In that treaty, a special reference is had to that part of the same nation of Indians, then residing in Ohio, who might be disposed to emigrate to the same territory with or to their friends. This treaty had been sanctioned by the Senate, and this House had approved it also, by making appropriations to carry it into effect. He denied that the Executive, or any of the Agents of the Government, had, in this matter, transcended their authority. He again repeated, that he had no disposition to oppose the pas sage of the resolution, if the House felt disposed to do so. but was satisfied the information called for, when obtained, would be wholly useless. or even if he has gone there for the purpose of making | speculations, then I cannot give him my confidence in reference to this subject. Again, sir, a gratuitous intimation has been made, that the Commissioners had transcended their, instructions. The gentleman would have acted more correctly, I think, to have withheld this suggestion until we had obtained the instructions. From the very nature of this transaction, the powers and instructions must be deemed to be discretionary, and therefore not violated. I have the pleasure to be personally and intimately acquainted with two of the gentlemen composing this mission, Generals Coffee and Hinds, and have formed a high estimate of the worth of Gen. Clark, from character. They have all filled high and responsible stations in the Government; the duties of which they have discharged with fidelity, honor, and credit, to themselves, and to the entire satisfaction of the public. I must be permitted, therefore, to say, sir, that they now occupy an eminence which bids defiance to any attempt to censure. Seeing the character this discussion has assumed, however, I am very willing now to see the resolu tion adopted, believing that it is a duty I owe to these gentlemen, and more particularly to General Coffee, who Mr. H. said that he did not perceive that it was calcu resides in the district I have the honor to represent, to lated to reflect on the Commissioners, or on any other vote in favor of it. Sir, the widest range that can be giv-person. He should like to get the information for which en to this inquiry, will find him unimpeachable and invulnerable. Mr. HOUSTON called for the reading of the amend ment. It was read accordingly. Whereupon, it called, and would vote for its adoption. Mr. HAILE said that, since offering the remarks Mr. McLEAN, of Ohio, said he had no disposition to which he had formerly made in opposition to the resoluprolong the discussion on the resolution introduced by his tion, he had been induced, upon reflection, to permit the colleague, [Mr. WOODS,] which had already taken a very resolution to pass; not because he believed that the inwide and universal range. He was satisfied, for himself, formation, when obtained, would be of any use, but to saand he thought the House would concur with him in opi- tisfy the gentleman who had introduced the resolution, nion, that the information called for by the resolution, and to prevent any opportunity for casting imputations could be of no service whatever, when obtained, either upon the Commissioners. The gentleman, though often to his colleague, to this House, or to the nation. If this called upon, had not yet informed the House what use he treaty with the Indians had been successful, and we were intended to make of the information, when it should be about to be called upon to legislate upon the subject, obtained. Did he wish it for the purpose of indirectly then, indeed, there might be some reason for the adoption throwing blame upon the Executive? Was it to make of the resolution; but the efforts of these Commissioners the President particeps criminis in the threats which he have been ineffectual, and he could not conceive any pos- pretended these Commissioners had uttered? Or was it sible benefit that could result from the information desir- for the purpose of implicating the conduct and character ed by the resolution. His colleague had, on the day on of the Commissioners themselves? He should be sorry which he introduced this proposition, by some remarks, to think that the gentleman meant indirectly to censure seemed to cast censure upon those distinguished indivi- those highly distinguished men, for their patriotic act in duals who acted as Agents or Commissioners of the Go- endeavoring to effect this treaty. These gentlemen had vernment; but, in his remarks on yesterday, he had ex-been the organs of the Government in that negotiation, culpated the Commissioners at the expense of the Exe- and were, necessarily, clothed with discretionary powers cutive. Sir, my colleague must know, that, from the ve- for carrying into effect the beneficial object they had in ry nature of the case, the instructions given on this occa- view. The gentleman had said, that, in fulfilling their sion by the Executive, were general, as they are in all trust, they had employed language of an improper kind, such cases. The Commissioners were authorized to hold and had urged a policy which was not sanctioned by this a treaty for a certain specified purpose, and vested with nation or its Government. But, the policy which these a discretionary power as to the manner of conducting that gentlemen had endeavored to promote, was no other than treaty. Mr. McL. said he had examined the documents that which had been recommended successively by Mr. referred to by his colleague, in which it had been assert- Monroe, Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Barbour. He could see ed, threats were contained, which had been made by no object in introducing the resolution, unless it were inthose Commissioners towards the Indians, in order to co- tended to embarrass a bill now pending, for the gradual erce them into measures, but he could not discover any removal of the Indians West of the Mississippi. What language used, other than had been customary on all was it the gentleman wished? Or why did he seek to such occasions, from the foundation of the Government. defeat that bill? Was it possible he could desire that He said he should not have rose to say a word on this the Indian tribes should remain for an indefinite period subject, had it not been for some remarks which on yes- within the chartered limits of any of the States, and should terday fell from his colleague [Mr. WooDs] in relation to be maintained there at the expense of the States? Could a recent expenditure of some three or four thousand dol- the gentleman wish to throw obstacles in the way of their lars, by an Indian Agent, in his own immediate neighbor-removal, when their continuance where they were must hood, to aid some of the Indians in Ohio to emigrate to the West of the Mississippi, which his colleague had said, if authorized by the Executive, he trusted would not be sanctioned by this House. He advised his colleague to examine into the documents in relation to this subject, before he censures an Agent of the Government, or the course of conduct of one who stands as high, and deser, vedly so, in public estimation, as does the gentleman to only tend to their injury and destruction? [Here Mr. H. quoted a communication of President Monroe, in which he expresses a wish that they could be removed, and placed in a country where they would not be subject to intrusion, or oppression by the whites.] Such a country, said Mr. H. has now been found and designated. Should they be removed thither, they would thenceforth be free from the rival claims of the States, H. of R.] Fort on Staten Island. [JAN. 30, 1827. placed exclusively under the protection of the General | authority of law. But he begged leave to remind the gentleman, that, by the treaty concluded at Doak's Stand, Mr. COCKE said, he had risen to move that this resolution be laid upon the table, never to be taken up again. Being informed by the CHAIR that a gentleman from Pennsylvania had the floor before he rose, Mr. C. took his seat : whereupon, Mr. MINER said, that the gentleman from Tennessee had but anticipated his own intention; and he now moved that the resolution be laid upon the table. The motion was agreed to without a division, and the resolution of Mr. WOODS was laid on the table accord FORT ON STATEN ISLAND. An engrossed joint resolution for the inspection and appraisement of the fortifications erected on Staten Island at the expense of the State of New York, was read the third time. Mr. COCKE expressed a suspicion that there was something intended by this resolution, which did not at first appear. He desired time to examine it. It seemed that the United States were to give up to the State of New York, all their fortifications at Staten Island. These forts had been erected at a great expense, and he moved to lay the resolution upon the table, in order that an opportunity might be afforded to look further into this matter. To him, it appeared strange indeed, that, after these Commissioners had completely failed in their object; af-ingly. ter all the persuasions and all the inducements-all the terrible threats, of which the gentleman had spoken, had been employed without making the least impression upon the Indians, that the gentleman should now complain of the Commissioners having overstepped their duty, and should be very earnest in inquiring whether their acts were authorized. It reminded him of a story he had heard of two men who continued to quarrel about an oyster after a third person had come between and devoured it. It was well known that the opposition of the Indians was owing to the influence of white men, by whom they were surrounded, and of missionaries who were opposed to the policy of the Government. He admitted that the policy heretofore pursued towards these tribes, was unwise and pernicious; but that which was now sought to be carried into effect, was, in his opinion, judicious and Mr. VANCE replied, that there was nothing very danhumane. He could not believe that, should the resolu- gerous in the resolution. The resolution stated, on the tion pass, any censure would be found to attach to these face of it, what was its real object. The Board of EnCommissioners. One of them had been occasionally em-gineers had reported that, in order to the defence of the ployed in conducting Indian treaties for a period of 20 harbor in New York, by the General Government, it was vears, and this was the only instance in which he had ever necessary that the Government should have the possesfailed. The language he and his colleagues had employ- sion and control of certain forts on Staten Island. The ed towards them was perfectly proper. It was not the forts had been erected by the State of New York, at their language of threat, but rather of friendly admonition; own expense, and the Legislature of that State had apwarning them that, unless they should consent to sell the pointed an agent on their part, to negotiate for a sale of country, the laws of the United States would be extended these works to the United States. The object contemover them, the white men would continue to intrude up- plated in this resolution, was to provide, on the part of on them, and their country would be a subject of perpe- the General Government, to meet this disposition, and to tual jealousy between the States-the effect of which appoint a person who should go there, and, in company must inevitably be, that their race would decline, and ul- with the New York Agent, should attend to an appraisetimately perish. In using language like this, the Com- ment of the fortifications in their present state, preparamissioners were urging a policy which had been recom-tory to a sale. In his judgment, the General Governmended by two successive administrations. The gentleman had seen the Indians within our States continually encroached upon he had seen the race gradually declining; and yet he continued to oppose that policy, which was di rected to rescue and preserve them. Another topic of complaint had been, that the public money had been employed in removing some of these Indians, without the ment would be in duty bound to pay the State of New York for these forts, whether they were of value to the United States or not. They had acted on that principle towards other States, and he saw no reason why they were not bound to do the same for the State of New York. But, that was not the purpose of this resolution. Mr. FORSYTH said, that, from the remarks of the Chairman of the Military Committee, he had understood the intention to be, that, as soon as the appraisement of these works should be completed, the payment was immediately to follow. He was informed by the CHAIR, that the resolution required a report to be made to Congress at its next session. Mr. FORSYTH then observed, that, as the measure was only intended to be preparatory to future legislation, he had no objections to it. The resolution was then passed, and sent to the Senate. On motion of Mr. MALLARY, the House again went into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, Mr. BUCHANAN in the Chair, and took up the bill for the protection of the woollen manufactures. Mr. PEARCE observed, that, by the decision of the Chair a few days ago, he had a right to speak upon the bill without confining himself to the amendments that had been offered; and having expressed his wish to take a general view of the subject, addressed the Committee as follows: [H. of R. by the Chairman who reported it, and well done. The views which I shall take of the questions growing out of the bill are these: The act of 1824 promised and held out to the woollen manufacturers aid and protection; if that act has not given all the aid and protection they were led to believe they would receive under a fair operation of it, the nation is bound to make good to this class of the community all which was promised them; all they had a right to expect from its operations, whatever may have been the causes of its not operating as it was expected it would have done : not to do it would be a breach of faith and a denial of justice on the part of the nation to its citizens, and one for which there can be no excuse or justification. If the act of 1824 has had all the effect it was intended it should have had, and all the woollen manufacturers had a right to expect it would have had, it has not had all the effect it ought to have had, and those who are engaged in the manufacture of wool have an additional claim upon the Government for aid and protection, and that aid and protection ought not to be denied them. I propose further, Mr. Chairman, to show that this protection will not injure the agricultural interest, or the planting interest, the commerce, or the navigation of the country, nor will it operate to the injury of the poorer classes of the community, but will be of immediate benefit to the agricultural interest; will extend our commerce, increase our coasting trade, and confer benefits upon the poorer classes of the country, which would not be received or realized without giving the protection required. I propose, further, to show that the passage of the bill will not affect our revenue. If, sir, I succeed in establishing these propositions, I shall be justified in the vote I shall give, and the length I shall go, in supporting the bill. In discussing this bill, Mr. Chairman, I do not approach it as a new question, or one that is unsettled: for the policy of the measure has had the deliberate sanction of the nation; and the history of our Government shows, that what the friends of the bill now contend for is not a new measure, or one to which the attention of the American People has not been before directed. Mr. Chairman : It is not my wish to detain the Committee any great length of time in giving to them my views of the bill now under discussion; if, under other circumstances, its importance required it—and I think it is one of the most important measures which will come before us-I would not at this time trespass long on their patience. Our time is short; we have many things to do; or, in other words, there are many which, in my opinion, ought to be attended to. Those who oppose this bill tell us they have not time to discuss it this session. As I am, sir, friendly to the bill, I am willing to remove this objection as far as I am able, and to give those who oppose it all the time they can reasonably require. But for my peculiar situation, I would not at this time trouble the Committee with any remarks whatever. This bill, it is said, will affect our revenue, inasmuch as it will affect our commerce. Sir, I represent one of the most commercial States in the Union, although one of the smallest -"an arm of the sea, a ring in the ocean." Yet, small The act of 1816 was passed for the purpose of encouas it is, so far as relates to its territorial extent, in rela- raging our home industry, and giving a stimulus to those tion to its imports and what it has contributed to the re- who were engaged in manufactures. The act of 1824 venue of the nation for many years, there have been but was passed to give effect to the provisions of the act of five superior to it, and at no one period of time but seven. 1816, and to supply the defects shown, by experience, to Small as it is, there are, (and I refer to the fact only for exist; and we are now called upon, as I conceive, to the purpose of showing its commercial importance,) in give effect to both acts, and to supply the defects which the State of Rhode Island three ports of entry and deli- experience-I may say fatal experience-has shown to very, and six ports of delivery which are not ports of exist, notwithstanding the commendable and patriotic entry. We are also told, sir, that the agricultural interest motives which actuated those who were the zealous and and the poorer classes of the community will be taxed faithful advocates of the latter act. If Congress, in 1824, and made to suffer if this bill should become a law. I did not legislate without reference to the objects of their would be one of the last in this House that would do any legislation, they certainly had in view the encouragement act that would add to the sufferings of the poor; and as and protection of those who were engaged in the manuto the agricultural interest, there is none in this country facture of woollen cloths; and the object of the act was that I would go further to protect, for there is none that to enable them to contend, and fairly compete with the I have more at heart. The State I represent, sir, has a manufacturers of the same articles in other countries. greater amount of capital invested in manufactures, in If the Committee are satisfied that this was their intenproportion to the extent of its territory, perhaps tention, and are also satisfied that, however laudable their times more, than any other State in the Union. It is a State in which was erected the first cotton mill ever erected on this side the waters of the Atlantic, and has more citizens engaged in agricultural pursuits than in any other. I will not say that eighty-three in every hun. dred of our citizens are engaged in cultivating the soil, but I know that a great proportion of our citizens are thus engaged. If, sir, I was convinced that this bill was calculated to injure the agriculturist or the merchant, it would not have my aid or vote. But, Mr. Chairman, I am well persuaded that it is not, but will promote the interests of both. It is not my purpose to examine the details of the bill minutely, for this has already been done motives, and commendable the object in view, the People of the United States have not realized the benefits contemplated, we need not, to authorize an interference of the Legislature of the nation, extend our views at this time any further. Have the measures, Mr. Chairman, then, had the desired effect? If we believe the statement of those who are interested-the woollen manufacturers-we shall readily say they have not; and, though in ordinary cases I would not consider myself concluded by the statements of those who are interested, yet, in the present case, I consider their statements almost conclusive upon us, more especially as they are corroborated by what we know, and what has come within our own ob |