SENATE.] = Gradual Improvement of the Navy. 520 [FEB. 16, 1827. the most important and deserving of all the provisions contained in it. related to a Naval School had not been treated fairly, and Mr. HARRISON thought the clause of the bill which it. that imaginary objections had chiefly been urged against had been brought up in array against the Naval School, The expenses of the Military Academy at West Point, or no additional appropriation. As to the paying and sup when the expenses incident to the latter would call for little measure. port of idlers, he thought the remark inapplicable to the already entered the service, and were ready at all times It was to educate those young men who had for active employment. The gentleman from South Car olina has repeated his impressions in relation to educating men for military operations. He still thinks that, provided you have a judicious commander, it is of no conse. quence whether he has science or not. But, said Mr. H. South Carolina says that General Washington became in tuitively a great man, and had but a common education. All the officers of the Revolution were certainly deficient at first-and what was the consequence? We were all ignorant of our duty, and could hardly mount guard cor rectly, when Baron Steuben, who was an educated man, came among us. In a short time, the whole face of things was altered, and we knew what we were about. rience and practice soon supplied, under hs directions, Expewhat we wanted in our early education. we have another war, and want education, we shall be Well, sir, if placed in the same condition. And what is the result of this want of skill? It is always a great waste of life. The bravery and good disposition of the men is thrown away, as well as their lives, by the want of skill in their officers. We do not want for bravery. I never knew an instance, said Mr. S. in which an American soldier behaved in a cowardly manner. There may be exceptions to this genI would request the gentleman from South Carolina, when eral rule; but our soldiers are universally courageous. In he meetsGen. Jackson, to ask him, whether, had our troops the last war, great evils arose from the want of experience been commanded by educated men in the defence of this and science among the officers. They did not know how city, against the approach of the enemy, or at the River to take care of their men, who were taken from all the Raisin, or on the heights of Fort Meigs, we should at those various classes of society, and the consequence was, that places have incurred defeat and disgrace. As the gentlethey died off like rotten sheep. three thousand five hundred men, out of whom but eight was valueless, he would remind him of the seige of SyraHe knew of a corps of man had frequently recurred to history, to shew that science hundred were saved, and they never This remnant went home, enfeebled, and their constitu- perienced Captains, because it was defended by skill and saw the enemy. cuse, which held out to the astonishment of the most extions destroyed, to give their families the camp-fever. science, against a vastly superior force. Experience And, said Mr. S. is our Military Academy to teach nothing speaks loudly in favor of educating our officers for the but tactics-nothing but the higher branches? This was duty which they have to perform. From the want of an erroneous impression. The Cadets are learned all the science, this very city was once conquered by the enemy. duties of private soldiers, and how to provide for the com- Our safeties and our liberties ought not again to be exfort and preservation of those who might be placed posed from such a deficiency. The most important reunder their command. The gentleman from South Caro-sults would flow from a general diffusion of science through lina had managed his argument well, and had certainly our whole system of defence. Every military man would drawn together every consideration which could make be aware that a battle might be lost by the improper dissuch establishments unpopular. But his reasoning was position of a single company, and that the hand of science mostly founded on incorrect premises, and erroneous ought to guide all the details. He would say no more in statements. West Point, said Mr. S. is not the place defence of what he had thought could not have required where rich men's sons are educated. In saying this, he defending. It was obvious to him, and he thought it must spoke from facts. There were from his own State thir- be obvious to every unprejudiced mind, that the Naval teen cadets at West Point, and not one of them was the service was worthy of being fostered; and that its prosson of a rich man. And, sir, we know that, whether rich perity could in no manner be better promoted, than by or poor, many applicants are rejected every year, as not the establishment of a Naval Academy. qualified to come up to the standard of merit which must be possessed by those who are admitted. at the Military Academy were taken from civil life. To The students this he did not object, as it was a matter of course, there being no grade in which the rudiments of military education could have been obtained, previous to entering the Academy. But there was one provision in this bill, which relation to this bill. Mr. MACON said, he felt bound to say something in could not but recommend the Naval School in a particular was one of the steps which the Government was taking manner. It was, that the cadets of the Naval School were towards a state of things which he dreaded. About apThe Naval School now proposed not to be taken from civil life. ready. This would obviate the objection which had you all know my conduct. I ask, is this Academy wanted They are midshipmen al-propriations, said Mr. M., I shall say nothing; because been made to the Military Academy, that students were at this time? And I ask it because the Chairman of the chosen by the recommendation of Members of Congress. Committee on Finance says the revenue is short; and if This method was considered the best in relation to the it is not necessary at this time, it had better be let alone. West Point Institution, and had been followed, he It was said that it was but a small sum that was required; thought, advantageously. But, in the School now pro- but it was in this way that our revenue was taken from us, posed, the Midshipmen now in the Navy would go into drop by drop. I would ask one question in relation to this the school, where they would obtain an education to law. which they were entitled, and which the good of the ledge in the science of their profession? If not, where Have our naval officers ever shewn a want of knowservice required that they should possess. tion, even now, was considered indispensable, although tablishment for their education? Battles are generally This educa- is the peculiar necessity, at this time, of providing an esout of the reach of many of the midshipmen, as he knew that, in many instances, midshipmen, after having served sense. won by the exercise of coolness and good sound common eight years, had been rejected at their examination, quired to make a man fight a successful battle. The I have no idea that an elaborate education is refor want of a knowledge in mathematics, although they greatest fool I ever knew was the greatest classical scholar. had passed, under the approval of the Captain, as skill-In support of this position, if the Senate will indulge me, ful navigators. He should vote for the whole bill; and I will relate a story, the truth of which can be vouched he thought the section relative to a Naval School was for: When Governor Tryon was in office in North Caro Mr. TAZEWELL inquired whether it would be in or- proposed. FEB. 16, 1827.] Gradual Improvement of the Navy. [SENATE. lina, his wife was said to have rather more knowledge-of says there is to be no extra expense. Well, sir, it is always human nature, at any rate-than her husband. He took so. When we begin any expense, it is very small-very two young men into his office to study the law-one was trifling-but as we go on, these things grow with our from Roode Island and the other from Virginia. Mrs. growth, and strengthen with our strength. And I think Tryon, in conversation with these young men, asked them that, if this provision is adopted, there is not one here who about the great men in their States. Well, they told her knows any thing of the sum which this school will cost. over all the men who had great characters for classical It is a very easy way to get rid of the responsibility of lelearning, but she said she had heard of Colonel Caswell gislating, by leaving the details to Executive discretion. and the name escaped the Reporter.] Oh, said they, But there were many things in relation to this establish. these are merely men of common education; they have ment, if it were to be authorized by Congress, which no science and no learning in fact, they are ignorant ought to be looked to. It ought to be decided who the men; and one began life as a constable, and the other as cadets should be, who went there. And if they go, they a clerk in a Parish Church. One of these men had dis-ought first to be sent to sea to discover whether they have tinguished himself in battle, and both were skillful com manders. There were two other men, [said Mr. MACON] who were never beaten by the enemy, who had no pretensions to education, and, in fact, had no great need of it. But I forget the end of my story. Well, it happened that these two persons came to Governor Tryon's house, and, at dinner, Mrs. Tryon sat between them, and kept them in conversation. After they had gone, she said to the two young men, "I thought you told me that those gentlemen were uneducated. I find it quite otherwise." The two students maintained that what they had said was true, and she concluded the conversation by saying, "that God had "educated those individuals, and done it better than it "could have been done by any college in the world." Mr. M. doubted whether the greatest man in the country would have been improved by education. He might have been made greater in the fixing of periods and the fram-ter officers in the line, than we had in the Revolution, ing of sentences; but he would not have been made greater in mind, by all the books in the world. The rounding off a period is not the most perfect sign of greatness. Such a perfection would have made Patrick Henry less great than he was. His genius would have been trammelled by classical study. So it was with Franklin. His want of education probably made him the greater man. It has been said that the old women beat the doctors; and I think it applies to other pursuits as well as that of medicine. One thing he was very much opposed to; and that was, the Executive discretion-which was introduced into this bill, as well as most others. New things were continually brought forward; and it seemed to him that the Navy was to tote all the rest through-I say tote, as it is a word which is understood in the Southern States. I don't think of the Navy as others do. I do not believe that any Navy was ever built for defence. It is intended for conquest; and I don't wish to conquer other nations. We have gone far enough in acquiring territory. We began with Louisiana, and the Western People were satisfied with its purchase. Next we acquired Florida; and now we want Cuba. As to preparing for war in peace, I don't believe in the propriety of the system. The moment we get through one war, we prepare for another; and when People are ready for it, they are sure always to fight. Now, in relation to the supposed necessity of educating Naval officers for their profession, I am not one who thinks it in any way necessary. And, on this point, let me say, that most of the great naval commanders have been uneducated. De Ruyter was a cabin boy, and rose to command and conquer by dint of that thing of which I have been speaking, which God gives to People. In this way of preparing for war in time of peace, you have nothing to support a war with when it comes, and the country is inundated with paper money. We talk about the example of England. But I do not wish our imitation of that nation to go too far. Look at her condition. With a fine country, she is overrun with paupers. She has to keep up her Army and Navy, and support her poor. The People of this country are taxed hard enough now. They want no more expenditures to increase the taxes. But we are told that this college is to cost nothing, or next to nothing for the gentleman from South Carolina a gift for the profession-for I am a great believer in gifts-and believe that not only poets but heroes are born to their trade. I say, said Mr. M., that the cadets at this projected institution will be, as they are at West Point, the sons of rich men exclusively, or nearly so. Well, sir, what will you do with all these restless spirits, after you have taught them the trade of arms? Can you expect to keep the country at peace, when it is full of soldiers? Don't you see that these men must have fighting to do, to keep them from doing mischief? I had a list of the sons of the dignitaries of the Empire who were at West Point; and I should really be afraid to show it. Is this the way to seek out military talents? to take the son of every great man, and leave obscure abilities to lie idle? It is a bad system. I believe there is talent in the country for every emergency-and I believe we shall never have betwhen education for the military service could not be had. You must appoint officers that your men will followmen that can command their soldiers. Courage, after all, is the requisite quality-and of that we have a great plenty. Courage is like cider, it is good for nothing until it works; and true courage never begins to work until it comes near the enemy. A man may be very good at planning, and in the sciences, and yet not good for fighting. We are told, that this education for the Navy, is to cost nothing-and that the establishment is to do great good without any expense. These are very fair promises-but, does any body believe that they will hold out? Did we ever count the cost of any plan-or stop at any increase? We are always advancing in expense. We have just raised the salary of the Postmaster General to 6000 dollars, although he had enough before. I recollect when Gideon Granger was in the office, it was proposed to raise it. A gentleman from Pennsylvania asked if the salary was enough for the office, and the duty. It was answered yes but it was not enough for the man. "Well then," rejoined the gentleman from Pennsylvania; "let him resign, and we will get another." They had within a few years created a Board of Navy Commissioners, which was to be a saving also: but it turned out that they got good fat salaries, and so will the professors of your Naval School. They wont work for nothing. Formerly two men were sufficient for doorkeepers, &c. to the two Houses; but now there is a regiment. I recollect, said Mr. M., and the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. SMITH] remembers it too, when the Clerks, in the offices of Congress at Philadelphia, had to work at night. Now we decrease the labor, and increase their numbers and their salaries. Our greatest misfortune was during the war, that we had no men of experience. It was said, that some of the officers were too old, and had forgot what they once knew. Then there were the young men who had no experience, and between them we were found very deficient. The gentleman from Maryland says, that the Cadets at West Point are all poor men's sons. I would ask the gentleman whe ther these poor people had no rich kin, or whether their ancestors were not rich; because the rich always have the preference, and are taken first. I shall go, said Mr. M. no farther. These are my thoughts on the establish ment of a Naval School, and as nobody had previously expressed them, I thought it my duty to do so. Mr. HAYNE said he rose with no other purpose than to correct the gentleman from North Carolina. I did not say, as the gentleman supposes, that the establishment of a Naval School would require no extra expense. I said merely, that, with regard to the pupils, there would be no extra expense, because, as they are now in the service, they would receive the pay only which they would receive were there no academy. But there will be an additional expense for professors and teachers. The bill proposes that the President of the United States shall form a plan for the institution, to be submitted to Congress at the next session. The details were, therefore, not now before the Senate, and the whole matter would be before them next year. There was another misapprehension in the remarks of the gentleman from North Carolina. He supposes that there was no deficiency in our officers. In this he was mistaken. It was that deficiency which suggested the idea of a Naval Academy. The gentleman from Maryland had correctly stated that many of our midshipmen were found deficient in mathematical knowledge, and it was because they had no advantages for the attainment of the science. It was said by his friend from North Carolina, that some men came from the hand of the creator, great, in despite of the absence of education-that God made them great. This was true; and such minds usually broke through the trammels of their condition, and became distinguished by the mere force of genius. But what shall we do with the large mass of minds of a common order, unendowed with these great natural qualities? Their humbler talents must be turned to serviceable account: for splendid talents are not sufficiently abundant to supply the ranks of any profession. If we agree in this, then education is important. If we refer to military matters, we ought to consult military men: if to naval affairs, we ought to ask the opinions of our naval heroes-and they believe that the plan now proposed is the best, for the interests both of the service and the country. Mr. MACON said, in reply, that he was convinced of the fact that there was no deficiency in the officers of the Navy. He had been told by an officer of the Navy, many years ago, that Congress was ruining the Navy. He said there were officers called Congress officers, who were appointed without the proper qualifications, and that circumstance gave rise to the regulation that midshipmen should not be promoted until they had been examined. Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, desired a few minutes indulgence. His friend from Ohio had said that the friends of the bill had reason to complain of him [Mr. S.] for the opposition he had made to the bill. It was far [FEB. 16, 1827. He had from him to deal illiberally with any measure. great deference for the deliberate opinions of a committee. In reply to some remarks of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. HARRISON] he would advert to one action which that gentleman had chosen, to illustrate his opinions; he alluded to the battle of Bladensburgh. He requests me to ask General Jackson, whenever I may meet him, whether, had there been one man there from West Point, we should have suffered defeat. Mr. HARRISON said he did not say "one man from West Point," but a scientific commander. Mr. SMITH, of S. C. resumed. Well, sir, if science was required, had they not enough at that battle? Besides the military officers who commanded, there was the President of the United States, an adept in the science of government; and the Secretary of State, who was well instructed in the science of diplomacy, and he was also a Revolutionary officer, and fought at the battle of Trenton. Then there was the Secretary of War, who had also played a part in the Revolution; the Secretary of the Treasury-the keeper of the keys of the strong box-he went out to give his portion of science towards the defeat of the enemy, and the glory of our arms. The Secretary of the Navy, who had just ordered the blowing up of the Navy Yard, was also there a very skilful man. And the Attorney General, who presides over the legal department, also went out to battle. Here was the choice talent of the country collected together a band of the most scientific men in the nation-and yet the gentleman tells us that the battle was lost for want of science. It appears, on the contrary, that there was rather too much science on the field for convenient use. Commodore Barney was there as a subordinate, with the President of this vast Commonwealth to give him orders. Well, what kind of argument then is that of the gentleman from Ohio? Who gained the only glory of the day? Commodore Barney, who had no science, and who fought in sailor style. He was a humble individual among this great diplomatic corps, but he fought bravely, and fell wounded on the field. Had the learned gentlemen of the Departments shewn the same bravery as Commodore Barney, they would have been a host. But when the action commenced, the great talent of those gentlemen was found to lie in the retreat, and having crossed the Bridge, it was most gallantly blown up to prevent pursuit. Thus the gentleman from Ohio must perceive, that a little more courage and a little less science would have made a great change in the result of that battle. [The question was then taken on the amendment offered by Mr. SMITH, of S. C. and decided in the negative, by yeas and nays, as stated in a previous part of the Register.] Dzc. 4—11, 1826.] First Proceedings of the House of Representatives.-Deaf and Dumb Asylums. DEBATES, &c. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. [H. of R. stitutions, for the education of indigent Deaf and Dumb persons; or if said Institutions shall sell said land, which they are authorized to do, the money arising from such sales shall be and remain forever to the same use; and it shall be the duty of the said Corporations to sell the said the same shall be located in one of the Territories, on lands, within five years from the passage of this act; and lands to which the Indian title has been extinguished." The report of the Committee who submitted this bill having been read, it was reported to the House without amendment. Mr. WHITE, of Florida, was not opposed to the relief of the Institutions in question, and, therefore, should not directly oppose the bill now before the House. But, as the townships proposed to be granted to these Institutions may be located within the Territory he had the honor to represent, and as several similar grants had already been made, within that Territory, to the retarding of its population, and to the great injury of the country, he would move, as an amendment, to strike out all after the word Treasury," and insert the following proviso : and Register of the Land Office within the district where "Provided, The same shall be sold by the Receiver the same shall be located, at the first public sale, and the money arising from the same be paid to the Institutions." Mr. CAMBRELENG was reluctant to oppose the amendment of the gentleman from Florida, but believed that, if it prevailed, the benefit intended by the bill to those benevolent Institutions, would be nearly if not wholly lost. Should the sale take place as in the proviso, the value of the grant would be reduced to less than onethird of what it would realize if the Institutions were allowed to manage their own property in their own way. Mr. WHITE replied, in further support of the amendment: Had a clause like that he now moved to strike out for the benefit of the Kentucky Asylum, he should have been inserted in the bill which formerly passed the House, made the same motion, in relation to it, as he had now done in respect to the present bill. The grant made by this bill is equal to twenty-three thousand acres of land; which, if located in the good lands of Florida, would support ten or twelve thousand settlers; and the House might readily conceive how the withholding of such a tract was calculated to retard the settlement of an infant Territory. The bill for the benefit of one of these insti This day was wholly occupied in the presentation of tutions, in Kentucky, did not confine the grant to land petitions, and on motions for inquiry. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1826. within the Territories; but the present bill does so confine it. There were two of these grants already located in Florida-one to the State of Kentucky, and that to General Lafayette; and not an acre of either had yet been The House was again occupied in disposing of motions sold. It was his duty to submit to the will of Congress, for inquiry and other preliminary business. MONDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1826. DEAF AND DUMB ASYLUMS. On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the House went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. POWELL in the chair, on the following bill for the relief of the New York and Pennsylvania Institutions for the instruction of the Deaf and Dumb, (being one of those reported at the last session :) "Be it enacted, &c. That there be granted to the New York Institution for the instruction of the Deaf and Dumb, and to the Pennsylvania Institution for the Deaf and Dumb, each one township of land, (excepting section numbered sixteen, for the use of schools therein,) to be located under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury; which lands shall be, and forever remain, to the use of said In and, should it be their pleasure to grant this land and to place it within the Territory he represented, he must submit without murmuring, but he held it his duty to his constituents to protest against a policy which went to retard the settlement of the country-he hoped, however, that Congress, while they were liberal to these institutions, would take care that the Territories of which they were the guardians, should be preserved from injury. The lands now proposed to be granted, were worth at least one hundred thousand dollars. Mr. WURTS regretted very much that any opposition should be made to such a bill. If he understood the ob jection urged by the Delegate from Florida, it arose from his fear that the lands in question would not be brought so soon into the market, should the Institutions be allowed to manage them, as if they should be sold by the Govern ment. But, from the very nature of the case, it was certain that the land would be turned into cash as soon as H. of R..] Deaf and Dumb Asylums. [DEC. 11, 1826. practicable. The necessities of these Institutions was a form of the bill entirely. He had stated that the land was sufficient gurantee for this. Should the amendment pre- worth one hundred thousand dollars; why not vote this vail, the whole object of the bill would be, in a great sum in money, at once? In his judgment it was the worst measure, defeated. The bill effectually guarded against possible policy this Government could pursue, to grant any material interruption of the settlement of the Terri- away the public lands to corporations and companies. If tory, by providing that the land must be sold within they gave at all, it was the better way to give in money. five years. No great harm could happen to Florida while It must be a manifest injury, in a Territory beginning to this proviso remained in the bill. The Territory was in settle, to have a whole township of land tied up in the no danger. It might be true that the land given to La-hands of a corporation. For his part, he found difficulty fayette was not yet sold. But the cases were widely dif. in understanding the bill at all. One part of it provides ferent, and reasons applied to the one which had nothing that the land shall be sold in five years: another seems whatever to do with the other. The bill was now in to give the power to hold it in perpetuity. As to its vaprecisely the same form as when it had been before the lue, he believed it to be worth more than one hundred House at the last session, when no such objections were thousand dollars. urged. Mr. MALLARY observed, that the bill granted the land to these Institutions by their corporate name; they would hold it with corporate powers; and could, therefore, either put it out on perpetual lease, or dispose of the fee. It was by no means certain that they would be under the necessity of immediately converting it into cash, because their immediate pressure might be relieved from other quarters. Now, no gentleman need be told how disagreeable, and how positively injurious, the existence of perpetual leases must be, in a young and rising Territory. There, especially, it was desirable that all occupants should be owners of the soil. The land should all be held by freehold tenure; and, if any corporation did receive a grant, they should, at least, be restrained from leasing. But if, as had been stated, these Institutions were so needy as to want the land immediately turned into money, the amendment met their case, and could do no injury. Mr. WHITE said, that his main objection was to the principle of the bill. His position was, that lands sold in the manner proposed, always sold more slowly than if brought into the market as other public lands were brought. They had, already, in the Territory, the grant to Lafayette; two to seminaries of learning; one for a similar Institution in Kentucky; and, if either of these were located there, it would make a gratuity of five townships. Now, it was known to every one, that the good lands in Florida were sparse: a township would support ten thousand persons; and five were already granted. Besides, it had been found, by experience, that whenever a period was fixed, within which lands were to be sold, they were always held back, in the hope of a rise in their value, till the very latest moment. These lands, he had no doubt, if granted, would not be sold till the last months of the fifth year. Now, all this tended to impede the settlement of Florida, and keep it so much longer in a Territorial state. This was a consideration to which ConMr. BUCHANAN thought it manifest, from the obser- gress could not be indifferent. The expense to the Genervations of the gentleman from Vermont, that he had not al Government, arising from the coninuance of a Territoexamined this bill with his usual accuracy. For himself, rial condition, in a district of country which would otherMr. B. said, he would never vote to give a corporation wise have become a State, was very great. He admitted land in a Territory, with power to hold it an indefinite that the amendment might cause the lands to produce length of time it would be unjust and improper. But rather less money; but it must be remembered, that no no such power is granted by the bill. They must sell less than sixty-nine thousand acres were already given for the land within five years. They cannot lease it; or, if the benefit of the Deaf and Dumb, out of Florida lands they do, their lessees will become freeholders in a very and that much of the best land there was fit for the culti short time. The objection, therefore, of the gentleman, vation of sugar. The sugar lands in Louisiana were now did not apply. The simple question before the House is, worth from sixty to seventy dollars an acre; whereas, in shall these benevolent corporations be compelled to sell Florida, they were bringing as yet but six and seven. What the donation of their Government immediately, at the very would be their value in five years more, he could not say, first sale of public lands; or, shall they be permitted to but it must be very great. And the bill, let it be observ manage it for themselves, and sell, as policy may dictate, ed, gives power to these corporations, at the end of that at any time within five years? If the House intended to time, to sell the lands to their own agent, and thus to make a grant to these schools, on the same terms as they remain the real owners. Such a fraud could not be prehad already done to other Institutions of a similar kind, invented or guarded against. He, therefore, thought it other States, they would pass the bill as it stands: but if, best, either to make the grant in money, or, if in land, to the lands are to be exposed to a compulsory sale, the in- insert such provision as should guard the Territories from evitable consequence would be, that they must be sacri- injury. ficed. Every body could tell what was likely to be the fate of a tract of land, set up, with a knowledge, by all parties, that it must be sold within a fixed time, bring what it might; and this in a distant Territory, among persons strangers to the Institutions concerned, and feeling not the least concern or interest about them. They would go to speculators, and would not bring more than the minimum price allowed by law. The bill does not prevent Florida from saying that no land within that Territory shall be held in mortmain. These lands must be disposed of in five years; but, if that period is thought too long, let it be curtailed; but do not compel your be neficiaries to sacrifice the gift you bestow. Mr. MALLARY acknowledged that he had been mis'taken in the provisions of the bill, having only heard it read at the Clerk's table. As it contained the restriction referred to, he saw no obiection to its passage. Mr. McCOY said he would have been glad if his friend from Florida had proposed an amendment changing the Mr. CAMBRELENG, in reply, wished to ask the Delegate one question. Did he seriously believe, if these lands should be put up at auction, at the first sale, they would be purchased by bona fide settlers-by that gentleman's constituents or would they not be bought up by speculators? Were the land, indeed, worth forty or fifty dollars an acre, he might cons nt to the amendment, but every body knew that the United States would never get any such price two, three, or, at the utmost, five dollars, was all that could be expected by any man, who knew how the United States' lands sell. He was not strenuous in insisting that the lands should be located in Florida, nor did the bill specify where they were to be taken from. He would be content with any other portion of the public domain. Mr. POWELL now moved to lay the bill on the table; which motion, after an unsuccessful attempt, on the part of Mr. CAMBRELENG, to obtain an adjournment, finally prevailed; on which, the House adjourned. |