American Colonies at our expense; and, whether we pass this bill or not, she will persist in the course which has been pointed out by her Ministry. The only utility, therefore, that I can perceive, in legislating upon this subject, will arise from the interchange of opinions which it will call forth, and which, upon so important an object, may perhaps be looked upon as desirable. What does the bill now before us propose? To restrict the trade between this country and the colonies of Great Britain, by sea. The very terms of the bill, in my view, render the endeavor to effect its objcct—if that object be to bring Great Britain to terms-entirely nugatory. If the bill passes, and the seaboard of this country is sealed up by its restrictions, what does it effect? Will it stop the trade? Certainly not: the trade will go on as formerly; the only difference will be, that it will be more perfectly according to the wishes and policy of Great Britain. The produce of this country, being stopped only by sea, will flow down the river St. Lawrence to Montreal and Quebec, and British shipping will have the carrying of the whole trade to the West Indies. If we shut our ports, we do so much for the advantage of her colonial ports in North America, for which we have done much already, I recollect reading, but a short time since, a paragraph in a Quebec paper, in which it was stated that, of the whole amount of produce exported from the Provinces of Canada, three-fourths came from the United States. I do not, therefore, see any great difference between the bill as reported, and the amendment offered by the gentleman from Maryland. If you pass the latter, and the British Government still impose their prohibitions, the trade through Canada goes on as usual, and the benefit anticipated by that Government, in their restrictive measures, is fully experienced by the colonies-while, if you pass the bill, it will amount to the same thing: the law, although expressing a restriction, will virtually inflict none, as the produce of this country will go to the West Indies still, through Canada, in British vessels. Thus, either way, the policy of Great Britain will be untouched, and our legislation futile. This is a predicament from which we cannot escape. The endeavor to prevent this awkward state of things, comes too late. Last year was the time for legislation upon the subject; and I repeat my belief that, had we passed a bill to meet the views of Great Britain at that period, the Orders in Council would not have been promulgated. The British Government will have found, by this time, that, turn which way we will, their ends will be answered, and their West India Colonies will be supplied through the North American possessions with every article for which they have usually traded with this country. For instance, on the borders of the State of Maine, there is a large mill-stream, on which there are extensive mills, owned by a company of Americans and British subjects. The mills are on the British side; but lumber cut in every quarter of the neighboring country, whether on this or the British side of the line, will be prepared at the mills, and will thence find its way to the St. Lawrence. Thus, the lumber of Maine will go to the West Indies, not by the seaports of Maine, but through Canada, and on board British ships. We cannot prevent it; and it will be the same in regard to every other production of the country. I, therefore, see no other effect which this bill can produce, than that it will force the products of this country to the West Indies, through the North American Provinces, for the immediate benefit of Canada and Nova Scotia. I do not consider that the bill contains any threat of which, if it were likely to be productive of any effect, it ought to be deprived; nor do I think that the bill can be other than acceptable to the British Government. If we have any deeper object in view than appears on the surface, then the subject may be worthy of reflection on another ground. If it is our design to enrich the colonies, in [FEB. 21, 1827. anticipation of their becoming ours, at some future period; if we are ripening them for our own plucking, and wish to make them of importance at the time when we shall be ready to take them-why, then, I should say promptly, pass this bill. I may be, in my present notions, somewhat swayed by opinions formed long since. I recollect that, when the bill of 1820 passed the Senate, I said that, if we began the restrictive system, it would turn out for the benefit of the colonies. And it has so turned out. The consequence of the duties which our commerce has paid, has been this: We have carried seven eighths of the cargoes to the colonies of Great Britain, and her ships have carried the other eighth; we have, therefore, paid to the colonial revenue, seven dollars upon trade, where Great Britain has paid one dollar. If the plan, however, is now began, let us see that we hold out. But when we shall find that the colonies of Great Britain, in North America, are to be enriched, and the West Indies not hurt by receiving their supplies through them, the effect of the whole matter may be seen and calculated. If the West Indies can be supplied with our products through the North American Colonies, and this can be made permanent, it appears to me that we shall have contributed to their prosperity, while our own commerce must, in proportion, suffer loss and depression. As it appears to me, that, if you pass the bill upon the table, it will have a tendency to force our products into Canada, to an amount beyond the present trade in that direction; as the amendment would have no efficacy in diminishing that trade; and as no legislative measure can, in my opinion, change the condition in which we find ourselves, I think it better that no bill should be passed upon the subject. Mr. SILSBEE said, the great experience of the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. SMITH] in commercial and financial matters, entitle his opinions, on subjects of the kind now under consideration, to much weight. Still Mr. S. was opposed to the amendment which that gentleman had offered, as well as to many of the arguments which he had used in support of it. The bill reported by the committee, fixes the time of closing our ports to British vessels, at the 30th September next, to which the gentleman objects, and proposes, in his amendment, an extension of it to the 31st of December. His view of the subject appeared to be not perfectly consistent with the plan proposed by him. He condemns the frankness of the bill in holding out what he looks upon as a threat of closing our ports at a certain period, if the British should not previously remove their present prohibitions-still, by his own amendment, he implies, and in his remarks he avows, that, if, at the arrival of the 31st of Dec. nothing should have been done by Great Britain; if the concession made by us of a free trade in our ports, shall have had no effect upon that Government; then something further must be done, which is left to the circumstances of the time, and the views then had of the subject by Congress. To this want of explicitness in the amendment (especially as no one seemed to entertain a doubt as to what our ulterior measures, in such cases, may, and must be) Mr. S. could not give his assent. A part, and the most beneficial part, of the trade in question, had been interdicted to us by the British Government; the bill proposes to countervail that interdiction, if not removed on or before the 30th of September, and offers new and more advantageous terms on which it may be renewed, and even extended; keeping it open, however, on the terms on which it has been placed by the British Government, until the 30th of September, and expressing, fully, a determination on the whole subject, explaining what will be done if the British ports are opened, and what will be done should they remain closed. Whenever a foreign country had placed an interdiction, of any kind, upon our trade, it had always been promptly met by FEB. 21, 1827.] The Colonial Trade Bill. [SENATE. 32,590,643 dollars, of which 13,212 dollars, or about one twenty-fifth part of one per cent. went to those Colonies. That, although these reports might be, and probably were, very nearly correct as to the amount of our exports, yet their destination could not so fully be relied on, because it often happened that our outward cargoes were not sold at the market to which they were first sent, and it not unfrequently happened that vessels cleared for other ports than those to which they were actually destined. Of the 4,189,886 dollars of American products exported to the British North American and West India Colonies, 3,811,216 dollars, or nine-tenths of that amount, may be placed under the head of only seven different kinds of articles, viz : pot and pearl ashes, bread stuffs, meats, &c. lumber, leather, horses and mules, and tobacco, each to the following extent : Pot and pearl ashes-whole exportation from the Unit Countervailing measures, on our part. The gentleman, however, far from meeting Great Britain on such a footing, wishes, by throwing the whole matter open, to induce Great Britain, by the indefinite character of our act, and the omission on our part to take retaliatory measures, to remove her restrictions. Now, to him, [Mr. SILSBEE] it was a question whether Great Britain would take any notice whatever of the act, if, in it, some alternative were not proposed, by which the whole extent of our intentions and feelings were explained, and he was not yet so far influenced by the fears which seemed to pervade the Senator from Maryland, of giving offence to the British Government, or by any other consideration, as to be induced to sanction such a depart- | ure, as was proposed by the amendment, from the course heretofore pursued by this Government, of meeting, frankly and promptly, such acts of foreign Powers as are calculated essentially to affect our commercial relations. From the peace of 1783 until 1818, a space of thirty-ed States, $1,994,381; to the British Colonies, $1,115,376; five years, the trade between this country and the British colonies was exclusively regulated by British law, and almost as exclusively enjoyed by British monopoly the colonial ports having been only occasionally thrown open to our vessels after a hurricane, an earthquake, a famine, or some other casualty which created an immediate and pressing demand for a greater supply of our products than could be timely supplied by their own na-U. States, $3,891,178; to the British Colonies, $719,725; vigation; and those temporary relaxations, whether by Order of Council or by proclamation of the local authorities of the colonies, were always of limited and short duration. By the act of April, 1818, a disposition was evinced by the Congress of the United States to insist on our right to a fair participation in this trade; that act was the basis of those of subsequent date, which gave and continued to us a participation in it until the first day of December last, at which period the British Government, by their act of 27th July, 1826, closed their colonial ports, except those of their North American provinces, against our vessels, thereby placing this trade on such a footing as, by depriving our navigation of nearly all participation in it, cannot fail if permitted by us to be continued) greatly to benefit their navigating interest, and essentially to promote the advancement of their North American colonies. In this state of the case, Mr. S. thought it became our duty, not merely to suggest our dissatisfaction with their recent act, but emphatically to proclaim the extent of it, and the results to which it must and would lead, unless the cause was removed. less than two-thirds of the whole export went to the British Colonies. Flour, Indian meal, and corn, rye, oats, and all other bread stuffs-whole exportation from the United States, $5,491,653; to the British Colonies, $1,162,899; about one-fifth ofthe whole export went to the British Colonies. Beef, pork, bacon, lard, butter, cheese, cattle, tallow, and hides-whole exportation from the less than one-fifth of the whole export went to the British Colonies. Lumber-whole exportation from the U. States, $1,650,218; to the British Colonies, $480,783; less than one-third of the whole export went to the British Colonies. Leather, and manufactures of the same whole exportation from the United States, $621,702; to the British Colonies, $129,237; about one-fifth of the whole export went to the British Colonies. Horses, and mules-whole exportation from the U. States, $283,835; to the British Colonies, $103,445; over one-third of the whole export went to the British Colonies. Tobacco, and manufactured tobacco-whole exportation from the United States, $6,287,981; to the British Colo nies, $99,751; less than one-sixtieth of the whole export went to the British Colonies. Whole export of these articles, $20,220,948; of which, $3,811,216, are reported to have gone to the British Colonies. The pot and pearl ashes were not for the Colonial, but for the European market; and, until lately, this article went directly there, in our own vessels; but, since fo reign ashes have been admitted into England, from their Mr. S. considered the trade in question of sufficient im- North American Colonies, as a domestic production, all portance to us to be preserved, if it could be done without the ashes from hence to England had gone through that a sacrifice of the honor, or too great a sacrifice of any of the channel, and employed, the last year, 1100 tons of their great interests of the country; but, important as this trade navigation. Deduct pot and pearl ashes from the list of inight be to us, he thought it infinitely more so to the co-exports to the British Colonies, and the result will be, lonists. The articles they obtained from us were of the first necessity, and indispensable to their subsistence, and could not be obtained at so cheap a rate, or in so fresh and good condition, from any other source; while, of the articles we obtained from them, some of the principal ones could be supplied within ourselves, some might well be dispensed with, and all could be obtained with equal convenience, and at quite as cheap a rate, from various other places. The gentleman from Maryland supposed this trade carried off one-fifth of our exports. [Mr. SMITH explained. He had confined that valuation to the produce of the forest and the land.] Mr. SILSBEE said: In looking at the comparative value of this trade, he found, that the whole exports of our own produce and manufactures, the last year, according to the Treasury reports, amounted to 66,944,745 dollars, and that, according to the same report, 4,189,886 dollars, or about six and a quarter per cent. of the amount of these exports, went to the British North American and West India Colonies. That our whole export of foreign products and manufactures amounted to that they take less than one seventh part of these staple articles of our trade with them, and only about one twenty-second part, or four and a half per cent. of the whole export of our own produce and manufactures. The imports of the United States, for the last year, amounted to 96,340,075 dollars, of which 3,057,006 dollars were from the British West India and North American Colonies, being a little over three per cent. of our whole imports. Of those imports from the British Colo nies, 2,737,047 dollars, or about nine tenths thereof, were in eleven different articles, viz: Silver and gold-whole importation, $10,922,564; of which, $855,546, or about one-thirteenth part, was from the British Colonies. Spirits-whole importation, $2,135,210; of which, $392,676, less than one-fifth part, was from the B. Colonies. Molasses-whole importation, $2,547,715; of which, $522,746, about one-fifth part, was from the British Colonies. Coffee-whole importation, $5,250,828; of which, $243,040, about one-twentyfirst part, was from the British Colonies. Sugar-whole importation, $4,232,530; of which, $158, 138, about one SENATE.] The Colonial Trade Bill. [FEB. 21, 1827. obtained, on equally good terms, at other places. Important as this whole trade was admitted to be, to the agricultural and navigating interests, it might [Mr. S. thought] be doubted if the commercial capital of the country had been advanced by it; he believed that but few who had pursued this trade, as owners of both vessel and cargo, had found a profit in the pursuit, and in some of our commer cial places, he knew it to be considered so unprofitable a business that but few were willing to engage in it. twenty-ninth part, was from the British Colonies. Pimento, and spices-whole importation, $626,039; of which, $163,671, about one-fourth part, was from the British Colonies. Furs-whole importation, $347,163; of which, $70,031, about one fifth part, was from the British Colonies. Fish-whole importation, $29,500; of which, $28,315, nearly all, was from the British Colonies. Plaster-whole inportation, $103,874; of which, $94,611, nearly all, was from the British Colonies. Salt-whole importation, $589,123; of which, $133,727, about two- The gentleman from Maryland had said, in the course ninth parts, was from the British Colonies. Cocoa- of his remarks, that the treaty of 1815 had deprived us of whole importation, $511,554; of which, $74,546, about the coasting trade, from Bombay to China, and ruined our one-seventh part, was from the British Colonies. Whole East India trade. It was the treaty of 1794 [said Mr. S.,] importation of these articles, $28,696,097; of which, as the gentleman well knows, and not that of 1815, which $2,737,047, was from the British Colonies. prevented our carrying on the coasting trade, from a BriAlthough these articles fall but a very little short of thetish port in India; the provisions in relation to our trade whole amount of our importation from the British North with the British ports in India were the same in both those American and West India Colonies, yet they make less treaties, with the exception that, in the latter, only four than one tenth part of our whole importation of the like designated ports are open to us, which four ports were articles, and this sinall portion of them could readily be the only ones, of any kind of importance, which were held obtained from other places. by the British, in those seas, at the date of the treaty of Mr. S. said, that our principal supply of silver was 1794, and they were, probably, designated in the treaty from South America; of spirits, from France, Spain, and of 1815, with the view of equalizing the two treaties, in the Danish West Indies; and that, probably, about four reference to that trade-otherwise, the latter treaty would fifths of the whole quantity consumed in the United States have given us greater advantages than the former, by was from our own distilleries; of molasses, from the opening to us ports which they had obtained by conquest Spanish, French, and Dutch West Indies, and that about subsequent to '94. By both those treaties we were relievas much was now made in Louisiana as we imported fromed from the high discriminating duties to which our trade the British Colonies; of coffee, from Cuba, and other had been previously subjected in those ports; and whatSpanish Islands, South America, Hayti, Arabia, East In- ever complaints may have been created by the treaty of dies, Dutch and Danish West Indies; of sugar, from the 1794, Mr. S. had not, until now, heard any applied, speSpanish, French, Dutch, and Danish West Indies, Per- cially, to that of 1815. The gentleman had said, that sia, East Indies, and China, and that about one-half of Spain had not opened any of her colonies to us. Could the consumption of the country was now estimated to be that gentleman [asked Mr. S.] need to be reminded of the made in Louisiana; of spices, from the East Indies; and vast trade which we had, for a long time, enjoyed with of salt, from England, Portugal, the Mediterranean, the the Spanish colonies of Cuba, Porto Rico, and Manilla? Cape de Verd Islands, and from our own mountains and that to Cuba alone being much greater and of more value manufactories. to us, than that to all the other colonies of Europe, which are situated either in or between our own and the European continents. The export branch of this trade, Mr S. said, was, unquestionably, of considerable value to our agricultural and navigating interests, especially to the former, as it carried Mr. S. could not yield his assent to the declaration of off, probably, about three millions of our produce, annu- the gentleman from Maryland, that this trade with the ally, and (the British laws to the contrary notwithstand-colonies had always been considered a boon. It might have ing,) a small portion of some of our manufactures; and been considered as such by the Ministers of Great Britain, the loss of a trade to this extent would, undoubtedly, be at times when it suited the interest of that country so to felt by those interests, and regretted by every other but consider it, but there existed strong proofs that it had been he did not apprehend that such a loss would be realized, considered and treated of otherwise by the British Gohowever effectually the direct trade might be interdicted, vernment, at different periods: for instance, in 1815 we as there were various indirect routes by which our bread-have their recorded acknowledgment of its being a substuffs, lumber, and other principal articles, must and ject to be treated upon by the Ministers of the two counwould reach those consumers, at some additional cost to tries. Would they have done this, if they had considered be sure, but yet at much less than they could be had, in it a subject over which they held a supreme control, and sufficient quantities, from elsewhere. These supplies in relation to which all their grants were gratuitous acts might be obtained from Europe, and, in the event of an of generosity and kindness towards this country? The effectual stoppage from the United States (should that gentleman has quoted the words used in the form of treatake place) the West India markets might, and probably ties, such as “His Majesty consents," &c., “His Majesty would, for a while, be fully supplied from that and other admits the vessels of the United States," &c., to show that quarters, but it would, necessarily, be on terms so very it was considered a boon. But this was mere form, which disadvantageous, compared with those on which they had [in the opinion of Mr. SILSBEE] no way supported the arbeen accustomed to receive them from this country, as to gument which had been attempted to be drawn from it. prevent a long continuance of such a state of the trade: Had our versels gone to the colonies with hard dollars, or the colonists, from the infancy of the oldest of them, had with gold, to buy their produce, and had His Majesty been been accustomed to receive their bread-stuffs, and other ever so desirous to encourage such a trade, yet, in any articles, fresh from our mills, as much so as in some of our treaty stipulation upon the subject, the same language own Eastern States; and such a change as the total stop-would have been held, although the advantages might page of such a trade would be productive of, could not be have been entirely on the side of the colonies. A boon effected without difficulty, nor without great discontent. is a grant, without eqivalent; and if any thing, in relation The import branch of this trade, though beneficial to to this trade, had been given, without equivalent, Mr. S. our navigating interest, and to the revenue, Mr. S. con- thought the grant had been on our part, and not on that sidered of much less importance than the export trade of Great Britain. Ever since we were a Government, the the grain [he said] which went to pay for the rum and ports of the British West Indies had been occasionally molasses we obtained from the colonies, could be convert- opened to us, by the spontaneous acts, either of the parent ed into whiskey at home, and the other articles could be or colonial Governments; and why [asked Mr. S.] was this done? Was it an exercise of generosity on the part of Great Britain towards this country? No; it was done because a timely supply of our products was found ne. cessary, if not to the subsistence, at least to the comfort of the colonists. These were not boons, where the colonies were the gainers. This Government had never looked upon the opening of this trade to us as an act of pure generosity on the part of Great Britain-as a grant, without equivalent-as a boon. [SENATE. could be given to it, on our part, would it not [Mr. S. asked] be yielding to the British, in this case, more than we were to receive as the equivalent? The gentleman has said, that the pride of Great Britain was hurt, when, after she had accepted our terms, we neglected to accept her offers. When [Mr. S. asked] has Great Britain accepted our terms? Is such a statement consistent with another declaration, just previously made by the gentle. man, wherein he said, that this country had gone to the terms of Great Britain? Amongst the other evils enumerated, arising out of our not having legislated upon this subject at the last session, is the effect which we are told that we are now experiencing, of the British warehousing system established in the North American Colonies. This warehousing system had been established in the West Indies, as well as in the North American Colonies; and, although Mr. S. disbelieved that these establishments had been hastened by any omission of legislation on our part, he fully agreed with the gentleman from Maryland, that, unless the pending question relative to this trade could be amicably adjusted, we must adopt some effectual restrictions, or the trade of this country to the West Indies would all be carried on through the North American Colonies. The gentleman from Maryland had said, that there could be no discriminating duties in the West Indies, because those ports were not open to foreign vessels. Those ports [said Mr. S.] have been open to our vessels since 1822; and, occasionally, by proclamation, prior to that time. It was, however, difficult to ascertain the extent of the discriminating duties to which they had been subjected. To obtain information on this point, Mr. S. said he had, since he had been in Washington, written to a number of mercantile gentlemen, who had been long conversant with this trade. In the replies to those letters, although the writers of them disagreed as to the extent of the discriminating duties exacted upon our vessels, they all admitted that such duties had been, and continued to be imposed, up to the time of the closing of the ports. It was, therefore, evident, that the declaration of the gentleman The Senator from Maryland had said, that the Secrètafrom Maryland was, in this particular, erroneous. That ry of State should have sought information as to the existgentleman had also said, that, by the act of March, 1823, ence of discriminating duties in the British Colonies, from the British circuitous trade was prevented, and all the American merchants, rather than from the British Minisdiscriminating duties, on our part, renewed. The circui- ter resident here; and that any such merchant could tous trade [Mr. S. said] ought not to have been permitted have afforded him the information which that Minister was to the British, while we were confined to a direct trade unable to give. Although not at all familiar with the from hence, to the Colonies, and back; and, as to the forms of diplomacy, it appeared to Mr. S. that a Minister discriminating duties, [he said] they were neither renew-might reasonably be expected to possess a knowledge of ed or modified by the act of 1823, but existed under a the terms on which the commercial relations of the coungeneral act of Congress, of anterior date. try which he represented with that at which he resided, are founded, and that an application to him for such infor mation, was pecularly proper. The gentleman from Maryland himself had stated, in his speech on this subject, at the last session, that there were no discriminating duties in existence, on the trade of this country with the British Colonies; but Mr. Canning, in his letter to Mr. Gallatin, of September last, had said, expressly, that those duties were imposed by an Order of Council, of 1822, and had been constantly levied since that time. Much of the censure which had been bestowed upon past proceedings, in reference to this trade, had been based upon the assumption that there has existed, somewhere, a disposition to throw obstacles in the way of a fair adjustment of the points at issue between the two Governments, and to hold out for advantages to which we had no claim. But where [asked Mr. S.] is the evidence of such a disposition to be found? Is it to be discovered in the provisions of the bill reported by the Committee? Or can it be perceived in any act of the present Administration? No! the point on which this imputation rests, has not been urged since 1824; and the gentleman from Maryland has, himself, admitted that this point has been conceded. [Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, rose, and remarked, that he saw such a statement printed, as having been made by him, in the National Journal last year; but he never made any such declaration. He had said, that there were no discriminating duties prior to 1822; and that they were put on, in consequence of an order from the Treasury, which fixed the alien duty.] In the argument of the gentleman from Maryland, he had taken much notice of the act of Parliament, of 1825. Here Mr. S. read a portion of that act, in which the terms Mr. SILSBEE said, that he could not be supposed, at 500 of the trade between this country and the Colonies, are miles distance, to be aware of the inaccuracy of the report stated.] How far [asked Mr. S.] did this act yield us of the gentleman's speech, but was satisfied with the gensuch terms as could be considered equal? The plain tleman's declaration that, in this particular, it was so. statement of the effect of the enactment was this: If we The Senate had been emphatically asked, by that genwould allow the vessels of Great Britain to come to our tleman, where were the new sources of trade which had ports from every quarter of the globe, and to import the been alluded to? This, Mr. S. said, was an unexpected goods, wares, and merchandise, of every part, then, for- question from a gentleman from Maryland, the agriculturooth, they would allow us to go, from this country, with ists and merchants of which had realized so large a share Curtain enumerated articles of our produce, direct to the of the benefits which had, thus far, resulted from that exColonies, and from thence, to any foreign country, except tensive trade which had but recently been opened to us, the dominions of Great Britain, and thence, back to the with numerous ports of the South American continent. Crated States-not back to the Colonies. Tl.ese were The gentleman from Maryland had said, that our trade to the terms offered. For this prescribed route to us, we the East Indies had been lost by the adoption of the tariff' were to admit the vessels of Great Britain and of its pos- of 1816. It was true that the importation of cotton fasessions, coming from, and laden with any and every ar- brics, from India, for home consumption, had been preticle of the produce or manufacture of any part of the vented by the passage of that act-but Mr. SILSBEE was globe, into our ports, on the footing of the most favored not aware that it had materially affected the other branchation. To this phrase, (most favored nation) very dif- es of our India trade, or that they had essentially diminferent constructions had been given by different Govern-ished since that period; he believed the trade from Masments; but upon the most favorable construction which sachusetts to India had latterly been about as extensive SENATE.] The Colonial Trade Bill. as at the time alluded to, except that to China, there had probably been fewer adventures the present year than usual. It was, therefore, too broad an assertion to say, that the East India trade had been lost by that tariff. Although our commercial and navigating interests might, now, have nothing to fear from a fair competition with those of any other nation, it should be with caution that we exposed them to trials which did not secure a fair competition; and although some of the provisions of the bill which had been reported by the committee, fell short of that reciprocity which Mr. S. thought we might, and perhaps ought, to urge-so much so as to cause alarm to a portion of the mercantile part of the community-yet, he was willing to try the experiment which it presented, and it was only by experiment, said Mr. S. that the practical effect of any commercial law could be ascertained; no man could, correctly, foretell the effect. On this point, Mr. S. observed, that a distinguished British statesman, in speaking of recent and contemplative changes in their navigation and revenue laws, had made these remarks: "However confident either my Right Honora "ble friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or I myself, "may have been, that the changes which, since the re"storation of peace, it has been our duty to propose in "our commercial policy, would be attended with the most "salutary consequences, it was impossible for us-at "least it was impossible for me-not to feel that, in the "application of the soundest principles, the result, from "unforeseen causes, may sometimes disappoint our ex"pectations. It became us, therefore, to watch the is66 sue of each experiment, and not to attempt too much at once, until we had felt our way, and until the public "were prepared to accompany us in our further pro"gress. Mr. S. said, it had been the practice of this Government, in reference to this and every other branch of foreign commerce, to feel its way along. The first departure from the original system of discriminatiug duties, on goods of every description, imported in foreign vessels, was by the act of March, 1815; that act was, in substance, a proposal to the Governments of each and every foreign country, which might be willing to act reciprocally, to admit the vessels, produce, and manufactures, of such foreign country, and coming directly therefrom, into the ports of the United States, on the same terms as our own vessels, laden with the like articles. By the act of January, 1824, the principle was extended to such articles as "could only be, or most usually were, "first shipped from the ports of such foreign country." And Mr. Adams, in his first message to Congress, of December, 1825, recommended the extension of this liberal policy to all articles, not prohibited, of whatever country they might be the produce or manufacture: and, Mr. S. said, we were now trying the experiment of this principle, which had, he believed, been carried into every commercial treaty which had been negotiated since the date of that message. Although no negotiations had been entered into, touching this trade, since 1824, the instruc tions of the last year, on the subject, [Mr. S. said] were known, and shew an authority to the Minister sent for the purpose, to adopt the same principles in reference to this trade, that were to be found in the other commercial treaties which had recently been entered into; they shew, moreover, an authority to waive the only points heretofore contended for; and, therefore, further shew, a disposition amicably to adjust the terms of this trade, as strong, at least, as had been manifested at any former period, by any branch of this Government. Mr. SILSBEE regretted, as much as any one, the unsuccessful results of the several attempts which had been made to regulate this trade by a conventional arrange. ment, especially as he had long entertained the belief that there was no other way whereby it could be done, either permanently or satisfactorily. But, as the British Go [FEB. 22, 1827. vernment, after first interdicting to us all participation in much the most profitable branch of this trade, (from hence to the West Indies) had, at a time, and in a manner not to have been looked for, seen fit to decline further negotiation in reference to it, we were, Mr. S. thought, compelled, by considerations of consistency with past acts of legislation as well as by other considerations not less important, to adopt, on our part, (however we might regret the necessity) some further legislative measures; and, in his judgment, the bill reported by the committee presented an overture of as mild and conciliatory a charac ter as could reasonably be looked for by any interest of this country, or by the Government of any other; but, should the British Government, either with a view thereby to promote the advancement of their North American Colonies, and their own navigation, or with a view to check the advancement of any of the great interests of this country, see fit to decline this overture, he hoped we should, in such case, continue to pursue, with moderation and firmness, such measures as, without any view to the injury of other interests, would not only sustain, but advance our own. Mr. HOLMES moved that the question on striking out and inserting, be divided: which was agreed to. After a desultory conversation between Messrs. SILSBEE, SMITH, of Md. and BRANCH, the amendment was, on motion of Mr. EDWARDS, ordered to be printed. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1827. The unfinished business of yesterday was taken up, and the Senate again proceeded to consider the bill to regulate the trade between the United States and the Colonies of Great Britain, Mr. SMITH'S amendment pending. Mr. HOLMES moved to amend that amendment, by adding the following: "Provided, nevertheless, and be it further enacted, That, if the President of the United States shall not, before the first day of August next, receive satisfactory evidence that the British ports and places enumerated in the first sec. tion of this act, are open to the admission of vessels of the United States, coming from the United States, with cargoes, the growth, produce, or manufacture, of the United States, and such as British vessels may import into said ports and places, paying no higher duties nor charges than British vessels and cargoes coming from the United States, this act shall cease to operate, or have effect, from and after that time. And the President, upon receiving such satisfactory evidence, on or before the said first day of August, is hereby authorized to issue his proclamation, declaring the fact, and thereupon said act shall continue to operate, and be in force, according to its provisions; excepting that the discriminating duties on such British vessels and their cargoes shall thenceforth cease." Considerable conversation took place between Messrs. HAYNE, TAZEWELL, and HOLMES, on the question whether this amendment was in order; when the CHAIR decided that it was in order. Mr. HOLMES explained the purport and intention of his amendment. It was designed to place before the British Government an alternative, and as a declaration of the course which would be taken, if, after the 1st of August, the restrictions on our trade were still enforced by the Government of Great Britain. He thought the amend ment offered by the gentleman from Maryland went too far, and gave up too much, without pointing out any ulte rior course. Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, opposed the amendment of Mr. HOLMES, on the ground that it would cause, rather than prevent, the evil apprehended by the closing of the trade with the West Indies; and also that it would hold out a threat to the British Government. If that restriction should remain permanent, he anticipated evils of the |