The intervening period has confirmed the correctness of these conclusions.

We are not over-simplifying in the least our evaluation of the international situation. We state with conviction that during the years since the Moscow conferences detachments of the revolutionary movement have taken up new positions and continue their advance, though perhaps not as rapidly as we would like. The world socialist revolution is a complex process in the progress of which a stubborn struggle is developing, and difficulties arise at certain stages.

Important and positive processes are taking place in the socialist system. The majority of socialist countries is experiencing deep transformations in the forms and methods of managing the national economy, striving to make more effective use of the internal possibilities of socialism and to master more fully the natural laws of the development of a socialist economy. The communist parties of the socialist countries devote increasing attention to improving socialist democracy, to further developing the political activity of the masses, and to drawing them into the administration of all aspects of social life; intensive and interesting research is proceeding everywhere in this field. The economic, political, and defense cooperation of the socialist states continues to improve and becomes increasingly regular and thorough. In many respects this cooperation is now being raised to a new and higher level.

Of course, evaluating the situation in the world socialist system, we cannot ignore in its recent development the well-known position of the leadership of China and the violation of the cooperation of the CCP and the CPR with other fraternal parties and socialist countries. Discussion of this problem is not included on the agenda of our conference, but the problem exists nonetheless and has a negative influence on the communist and the entire liberation movement.

The national liberation movement continues to broaden and deepen. In the sixties, the Algerian revolution was victorious, the positions of the democratic forces in the UAR were strengthened, Syria took the path of social progress, and the foundations of progressive socioeconomic development were laid in a number of countries of the socalled third world.

On this path, conflicts cannot be avoided, as evidenced, in particular, by the events in Ghana and Indonesia. Naturally, after former colonies and semicolonies have achieved national independence, indigenous reactionary elements, relying on support of foreign imperialists, attempt to push these states on to the path of capitalist development and cooperation with the forces of international reaction. But the forces of progress, and primarily communists, are called upon to act with even greater persistence and flexibility.

The wave of the revolutionary movement against U.S. imperialism and local reaction is ever growing in the Latin American countries. Important changes are taking place in the workers movement in the developed capitalist countries. Because of the active work of the communist and workers parties, and the actions of the internal natural laws of capitalism, antimonopolist feelings are increasing in the broad strata of the working people of these countries; a clear move to the left by the popular masses is observed.

This creates fresh opportunities in the struggle for the unity of the working class and all progressive forces and in the struggle for socialism.

Of course, the comrades from West Europe present at this conference know all these processes and problems much better and we shall therefore limit ourselves to a general statement on the shifts that have been noted.

The leaders of imperialism are aware of the weakening of their positions; they see the strength of the revolutionary detachments opposing imperialism. In recent years, Western leaders have exerted vast efforts to improve their class tactics and strategy in this new situation, both on the national and the international plane, and to find new ways and means to combat world socialism and the revolutionary and liberation movement. Imperialism counts more and more on the disunity of socialist states and on a split in the liberation movements.

At this time, the most malignant expression of the predatory nature of imperialism, of its main force, American imperialism, is the U.S. aggression in Vietnam. The U.S. imperialists wage a shameful and hopeless war there. They will never conquer a people who have fought unsparingly for their freedom and independence for over 20 years. The patriots of Vietnam, relying on varied aid from the socialist countries and support from the progressive forces of the world, successfully resist the interventionists. In so doing, they also strike telling blows at the positions of U.S. imperialism. This is not only because about one-half million U.S. soldiers, a large navy, and a large proportion of the U.S. Air Force are tied up in the southeast Asia region. It is also a fact that the aggression in Vietnam has resulted in a most profound undermining of U.S. prestige and political positions throughout the world.

The aggression in Vietnam has aroused millions upon millions of people against the United States. It builds up hatred for the U.S. interventionists in the minds of Asian people. This is a factor with which the U.S. leaders will have to deal for many years. The U.S. dirty war in Vietnam has also intensified the contradictions in the camp of the U.S. allies; many of them want nothing to do with it.

It is well known that the socialist countries, including the Soviet Union, actively help fighting Vietnam with political, economic, and military support. It could not be otherwise, for imperialist aggression is taking place against a socialist country, the DRV. I can assure you, comrades, that we Soviet communists will continue to fulfill our international duty with regard to struggling Vietnam and render it the necessary help.

The war in Vietnam today constitutes the most serious threat to general peace. On all continents vast masses of people of different classes, belief, and convictions demand that the United States stop its bombings of the DRV and cease aggression in Vietnam. This concerns not least of all Europe itself, where the demonstrations against U.S. aggression are becoming increasingly inflamed. I think we all agree that the struggle in this sector at the same time contributes to the cause of European security.

Finally, the events in Vietnam remind us again of how vital is the task of strengthening the unity of the world communist movement. It is clear that if it were possible to support Vietnam in agreement with and jointly with China, the task of ending U.S. aggression would be considerably eased. Allow me to repeat here what we have already stated at the SED congress a few days ago: the CPSU Central Com

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mittee and the Soviet Government are prepared to implement unity of action with China in the planning and practical implementation of assistance to struggling Vietnam. We are prepared for such unity of action on the widest possible scale.

Those, comrades, are some of the international factors which must be taken into account when discussing the question of European security. In evaluating the present European situation, we proceed first of all from the changes which have taken place here since World War II. One of the most important sociopolitical factors of the postwar period is that precisely in Europe that is, in that part of the world where capitalism was born and where it turned into a social system which for centuries determined the course of all world development-capitalism's positions have been weakened to a great degree.

This is manifest in the collapse of capitalism and the victory of socialist revolutions in eight states of East and Central Europe. This is also manifest in the fact that the bourgeoisie has been able to retain its domination over the remaining part of Europe to a considerable degree only by relying on the military, political, and economic help of the United States.

West European capitalism, relying on American support and taking advantage of the opportunities presented by the association of the forces of the monopolies and the authority of the state, as well as on the achievements of the scientific-technical revolution, and by extensively resorting to maneuvers in the field of social relations and political life, was later able to get out of the difficult crisis in which it found itself immediately following World War II. Of course, this does not at all signify the restoration of the previous political might of European capital. Its fundamental weakness remains.

The new correlation of sociopolitical forces on the continent has found its reflection in the foreign policy of the main capitalist powers of Europe. The chief detachments of European capitalism, whose interests are frequently in sharp contradiction, are striving by every means to avoid methods and forms of struggle with one another which might threaten the foundations of capitalism with new shocks.

Having restored their economic potential, certain capitalist countries in Europe are now striving to pursue a more and more independent policy. No small part in this is played by the intensifying contradictions between the interests of the European and American magnates. In place of pro-American policy concepts, new concepts which aim at transforming capitalist Europe into a force independent of the United States and capable of playing an independent role in the world arena are increasingly blazing a path for themselves.

To us communists, it is quite clear that such plans are called upon to strengthen European capitalism and its international positions. But something else is obvious, too; these plans simultaneously shake the united front of world capital, which opens up new opportunities for the European and world workers movement for the development of the struggle for peace and security in Europe and throughout the world.

Comrades, the draft statement which our conference is discussing stresses that the problem of Europe is not merely a regional problem and is not an isolated internal affair of the European peoples alone. On what is this conclusion based? We cannot forget that it was precisely in Europe that the conflagration of world war twice started,

and that even today there exists on this continent one of the most serious hotbeds of international tension. If a new war started in Europe it could become thermonuclear and envelop the whole world. European security is an important condition for preventing a nuclear clash.

But this is not all. Even today the struggle for peace in Europe pins down the aggressive forces of the imperialists to a certain extent and prevents them from taking part in suppressing the liberation movement in other parts of the world. It is a fact, comrades, that despite stubborn efforts the United States has not managed to attract its NATO European allies into the Vietnam adventure, as occurred during the Korean War. This is a result of the struggle of the communist parties, of the working class of the whole world, and of all peaceloving forces.

To tie down the forces of imperialism in Europe and thwart their aggressive plans is not to simply narrow the circle of action of imperialism's aggressive policy, although this is important in itself, but is also to deal it a defeat which would have effects everywhere. This would also be a real help to the liberation struggle of the peoples on all other continents.

I believe, comrades, that I express the general opinion when I say that in displaying concern for the interests of European security we also fulfill our international duty to the peoples of the whole world!

II. AMERICAN AND WEST GERMAN IMPERIALISM, THE MAIN THREAT TO EUROPEAN PEACE

It might be asked: Why do we sharply pose the question of military danger in Europe today? Is the threat so serious? Yes, comrades, there are grounds for this. We do not want to exaggerate the danger of war, but neither do we wish to underestimate it.

Where and in what do we see the threat to European security today? We answer: The threat to peace in Europe is borne by the aggressive forces of American and West German imperialism. What is the increasingly close partnership of these forces built upon? For American imperialism, collusion with the ruling circles of the Federal German Republic is the chief means, convenient for the United States and in essence not very expensive, of preserving its military-strategic positions in Europe. And this gives the United States significant levers for pressuring the policy and economics of the West European countries. As far as West German politicians are concerned, in their calculations partnership with the United States opens up for them real opportunities for implementing revanchist plans.

The aggressive policy of German imperialism has brought vast calamities to many European countries. This is well known not only by the peoples of the Soviet Union but also by the peoples of Poland, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, France, Britain, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Denmark, and other European states.

The Soviet people have not forgotten and never will forget that 20 million Soviet citizens gave their lives in the name of the victory over fascism. We had to develop vast efforts to heal the wounds of war, to restore thousands of destroyed towns and villages.

The Soviet people, engaged in peaceful creative labor today, will not let their achievements and the achievements of other fraternal

socialist countries be threatened again. We recall the lessons of the war today not because we seek atonement for the past, but because we are concerned about the future. The vital interests of all peoples of Europe demand that aggression by German imperialism-on its own or in alliance with anybody else-be excluded forever.

The foundations of Europe's postwar structure were defined by the Potsdam agreement. Its main demand is for eradication of militarism and nazism so that Germany shall never again threaten its neighbors and world peace. This demand has force now and in the future.

The Potsdam principles have been fully implemented in the GDR. But they are ignored in the Federal German Republic, where German militarism is alive and where German nazism, too, is being galvanized. The fact that the bacillus of nazism was not destroyed in West Germany, as demanded by the Potsdam agreement, is news to no one. But now, when the neo-Nazis have come openly into the political arena, the matter looks more serious.

The danger grows especially in connection with the fact that Federal German ruling circles have made revanchist demands the keystone of their official state policy. It is not some irresponsible bawlers and extremists from the soldiers unions or refugee organizations but the Government of West Germany which makes absurd claims about the right to speak on behalf of the whole German people, which refuses to recognize existing borders in Europe, which makes claims on West Berlin, and which seeks loopholes for the nuclear armament of the Federal German Republic.

If one adds to all this the fact that the Bonn authorities keep the Communist Party under prohibition and suppress other progressive forces, then a whole raft of political and ideological means of preparing revenge can be seen to be at hand. The present Federal Government speaks willingly about its love of peace. But it is characteristic that through this it seeks all sorts of elastic formulas in order to avoid giving up revenge-seeking aims. Thus, how can one believe in the sincerity of the peace-loving statements of the Federal German ruling circles? Is it not clear that in this way the new government only wants to delude European public opinion in order to escape its isolation and thus insure firmer positions for achieving its plans?

The Soviet Union does not at all believe that all European peoples should shun West Germany; the path to international cooperation with equal rights, to participation in European affairs, is open to it as to all other states. We know that there are in the German Federal Republic considerable forces which oppose the aggressive and reactionary policy of West German imperialism. The miners of the Ruhr, Stuttgart steelworkers, and Mannheim chemical workers have shown in the class clashes that a movement against militarism and fascism is growing in West Germany itself. The mass peace marches and meetings of protest against the war in Vietnam show that peace is as dear to the West German working people as to all peoples.

For our part, we have stated more than once and state again: The Soviet Union is not against improving relations with the Federal Republic and is ready to do everything necessary to this end. If the present Federal Government displays sobriety in its approach to the existing situation in Europe, if it does not encroach upon the interests of other states and people, and demonstrates by deeds its desire to strengthen peace on our continent, then we shall be among those who support such a course.