assigned it the role of an advanced anticommunist bastion, which became a seat of tension and which threatens peace and security in Europe as a whole. The Bonn state, where revanchist and militarist forces have come to power, has turned into the mainstay of U.S. global strategy in Europe.

The growing strength of the Bundeswehr, which is commanded by former Hitlerite officers, testifies to an increasing scope of military preparations. Activities of the Communist Party of Germany have been banned in the German Federal Republic, while other democratic and peace-loving organizations are being subjected to repressions. Broad scope is being given at the same time to the activities of extremely reactionary and neofascist forces. Their growing influence greatly alarms the European people, who know from painful experience that fascism is always accompanied by aggressive militarism.

The cold war has become for the monopolies of all the European capitalist states an instrument for waging an offensive against democracy, a tool for exerting pressure on the working people with the aim of suppressing their struggle for better living conditions, of restricting their social gains-a means of shifting the growing burden of armaments onto the popular masses.

The cold war conceptions, the myth of the menace of "communist aggression" used by the United States to justify its hegemony in Europe, have failed. The aggressive course of imperialism has been undermined by the active foreign policy of the socialist states, which are consistently implementing the principle of peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems, a policy being carried through on an ever greater scale-especially since the 20th CPSU Congress. This course was also undermined by the struggle of communist and workers parties, the actions of the masses, the activity of broad sections of the West European people. The joint defensive might of the socialist states, which relies above all on the technical and scientific achievements of the Soviet Union, constitutes an obstacle on the path to war. The Atlantic bloc has entered a stage of open crisis. The ruling circles of some Western countries challenge the value and expediency of the policy of military alliance with the United States, or participation in the NATO joint armed forces, which threatens to draw their states into war and has nothing in common with their national interests. Tendencies toward emancipation from political and military trusteeship by the United States are growing in the European capitalist countries. At the same time, anxiety is growing over the intensified penetration by American capital.

The contradictions have also been aggravated between the national interests of West European states and the expansionist aims of the German Federal Republic-its desire to occupy a dominating position in NATO, the "Common Market," and Euratom.

The German Democratic Republic, which has carried out the Potsdam agreements, has strengthened its sovereignty as a state and its international prestige. Its growing strength and constructive peace policy raise a barrier to the plans of West German imperialism. Recognition of the GDR and defense of its sovereign rights have become one of the main tasks in the struggle for European security. The existence and development of a peaceable socialist German State has great implications not only for the German people but also for peace all over Europe.

The crisis of the cold war policy has opened up new opportunities for the democratic and progressive forces of West Germany, forces that sincerely demand radical changes of the foreign policy and which deserve every support. Replacement of the Bonn government was brought about precisely by this crisis. However, there are no signs that the new government of the so-called grand coalition has abandoned the imperialist goals of its predecessors. On the contrary, despite assurances of peaceful designs, it maintains its claim to represent all of Germany, continues to strive to swallow up the GDR, to restore Germany within the frontiers of 1937, refuses to recognize the unlawfulness of the Munich diktat, continues to advance provocative claims to West Berlin, and strives to gain access to nuclear arms. Serious changes are now taking place in public opinion. The awareness of the fruitlessness and danger of the imperialist policy of splitting Europe is constantly growing. Ties of cooperation, specifically in the fields of economy and culture, are developing between countries with different social systems. In the course of establishing relations, representatives of government and public circles of socialist and capitalist countries carry out a useful exchange of views on problems of European security.

The constructive proposals for the strengthening of security and peaceful cooperation in Europe, set forth by the socialist countries in the Bucharest declaration of the Warsaw Pact states, and the proposals of the communist parties of capitalist countries advanced at their meetings and in their decisions, provide a realistic basis for the strengthening of peace and security in Europe.

New and positive trends toward international détente and cooperation with communists are appearing in the socialist and social democratic movements in some West European countries. New trends are emerging in Christian circles regarding problems of progress and peace. New possibilities have arisen for contacts and cooperation between various trade union and other democratic organizations. Cooperation of communists with socialists and those who believe in the question of European security can promote the cause of peace on our continent. The people of Europe want no further war! They want neither a cold war nor a "balance of fear" leading to a still more intense arms race and increasing the risk of a deliberate or accidental conflict. It is high time to achieve the establishment of new relations in Europe based on a genuine relaxation of tension and mutual confidence.

We communists, acting under different national conditions, will spare no effort to build a system of collective security, to establish relations between states which will preclude any possibility of aggression and insure an enduring peace in Europe and throughout the world. This is a difficult but feasible task.

The communist and workers parties of Europe submit for the consideration of public opinion and of all political and public forces concerned a program for actions in the interests of creating a system of collective security based on principles of peaceful coexistence between countries with different social systems. This requires, primarily, that all states recognize the existing situation as it has developed in Europe in the postwar period.

This means: Recognition of the inviolability of existing frontiers in Europe, particularly on the Oder and the Neisse, and also of the borders between both German states; recognition of the existence of

two sovereign and equal German states, the GDR and the German Federal Republic, which requires of the latter the renunciation of its claim to represent all of Germany; preclusion of any opportunity for the German Federal Republic to gain access to nuclear arms in any form, either European, multilateral, or Atlantic; and recognition of the Munich treaty as invalid from the moment of its conclusion. The European and working class movement and all democratic peace forces now face the task of insuring the development of peaceful relations and cooperation among all European states on the basis of respect for their sovereignty and equality. With these aims in view, it is necessary to fight for the realization of a number of aims which can be achieved in a new situation, namely:

Conclusion by all European states of a treaty renouncing the use of force or threat of force in their relations and interference in internal affairs; a treaty guaranteeing the solution of all disputes by peaceful means only, in accordance with the principles of the U.N. Charter; normalization of relations between all states and the GDR, and between both German states and between the GDR and West Berlin as a separate political entity; consistent defense and development of democracy in the German Federal Republic-the right to demand this is given to the peoples by law, the experience of history, and postwar international agreements. This envisages universal support for the struggle of progressive forces in the German Federal Republic for the banning of neo-Nazi organizations and all revanchist propaganda, annulment of the emergency legislation, freedom of activity of the democratic and peace-loving forces, lifting of the ban on the Communist Party of Germany; and conclusion of a nonproliferation treaty as an important step toward halting the arms race.

The system of European security must contain a recognition of the principle of neutrality and unconditional respect for the inviolability of neutral states. A more active peace-loving policy of these countries and their contribution to the cause of disarmament would help to establish such a system.

Liquidation of artificially created barriers in economic relations between the socialist and capitalist states of Europe would be of particular importance for all states and would be conducive to the establishment of fruitful cooperation, including broad agreements in the sphere of production and scientific research.

Striving to open the road to European security and cooperation, we resolutely advocate the conclusion of agreements on partial solutions, above all in the sphere of disarmament, which would create a favorable climate for more far-reaching treaties. All proposals in this field, advanced by governments, parties, public organizations, political leaders, and scientists, deserve thorough examination. Particularly topical among these proposals are those which deal with the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territory of European states, liquidation of foreign war bases, establishment of denuclearized zones in central Europe, in the Balkans, the territory of Danubian countries, in the Mediterranean, and in northern Europe, and also zones of thinned-out or frozen armaments, and in general zones of peace and cooperation in various regions of the continent. These, just as other steps, would check the tendency toward intensification of the

arms race.

The 20-year period of the validity of the Atlantic pact expires in 1969, and this makes possible a clear alternative: a Europe without military blocs. This alternative must be put on the agenda with all

earnestness.

No effort should be spared in order to develop a broad movement of the peace-loving forces of our continent against the extension or any modification of the Atlantic pact. This movement is favored by the constructive attitude of the Warsaw Pact states which have repeatedly stated and solemnly confirmed in the Bucharest declaration their readiness for a simultaneous liquidation of both military alliances. We second the moves of these states regarding an immediate agreement on the liquidation of the military organizations of the Atlantic pact and the Warsaw Pact.

We express readiness to support any initiatives or proposals pursuing the purpose of achieving a détente and strengthening the security of the peoples of our continent.

We fully support the proposal to call a conference of all European states on the question of security and peaceful cooperation in Europe. The proposal to call a conference of representatives of all European parliaments also deserves support.

Consolidation of security and peace will open up before the peoples of our continent new prospects for progress and prosperity. The peoples of Europe are faced with important social, economic, and cultural problems. A Europe rid of the arms race, which consumes tremendous economic resources and the fruits of the labor of workers, engineers, and scientists, will be able not only to insure higher living standards for its people but also to make a valuable contribution to the development of all mankind.

The struggle for such a Europe is closely associated with the struggle for genuine national independence, for democracy, against reactionary and fascist dictatorships such as exist in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. The fact that the governments of Spain, Portugal, and Greece assist American imperialism in building atomic bases in exchange for U.S. support for these discredited regimes shows what a great danger they are to Europe. European communist and workers parties express complete solidarity with and provide support to the important struggle now being waged by the united front of Spanish workers and democratic forces, and to all the peoples fighting against reactionary regimes, for freedom and democracy.

The communist and workers parties of Europe are ready to dedicate all their forces to the realization of these tasks, serving the cause of peace, progress, and democracy.

Our movement, which this year marks the 50th anniversary of its great victory-the Great October Socialist Revolution-has become a mighty political force, exerting a decisive influence on the development of all of mankind.

Each of the communist parties, in the specific conditions in which it is fighting, bears responsibility for its policy to its working class and working people, to the people in general. At the same time, each party is aware of its international responsibility for safeguarding peace, for forming new international relations conforming to the needs of our time.

This sense of responsibility requires of us communist parties of Europe the pooling of our efforts for the solving of these problems.

The stronger the unity and solidarity of the communist and workers parties in Europe and all over the world, the more effective our struggle shall be.

This sense of responsibility obliges us to address, primarily, all the working class, which is the main producer of material values, the most conscientious and progressive class of modern society. We address the closest ally of the working class, the peasantry, and also the middle strata, which are vitally interested in peace and prosperity. The workers and all the working people of Europe, combining patriotism with international fraternal solidarity, are capable of playing a decisive role in the struggle for peace and European security, for democracy and social progress in our continent.

We address the socialist and social democratic parties, which have a broad influence among the European working class and participate in the governments of a number of European countries. The experience of decades has shown that joint actions by communists and socialists enable the working class to exert a decisive influence on political life and rally around themselves public sections interested in maintaining peace and implementing democratic social changes.

We address the trade unions of Europe, which for 100 years now have been the biggest mass organization of the working class, defending its material and social interests. We call upon the trade union orgarizations to use their authority and influence in the struggle for a peaceful Europe.

We address scientists, writers, artists, all European intellectuals, whose fine representatives have always defended human rights and freedoms, independence of the peoples, international cooperation, and peace.

We address the Christian forces, the Catholics and Protestants, the believers of all religious denominations who motivate their striving for peace and social justice with religious convictions.

We address the younger generation of Europe, whose future is inseparably linked with victory for the idea of collective security and peace. The place of the youth is in the front ranks of the fighters against the policy of war, against reaction and fascism, for freedom. and progress, for friendship of the peoples.

We address the women whose role in social life is increasing all the time and whose participation in the defense of peace and the security of mankind is so important.

We address the bourgeois groups which display a realistic approach to modern reality, realize the danger of a nuclear war, wish to rid their countries of dependence on the United States, and are ready to support the policy of European security.

We call upon all peace-loving forces to rally and launch a broad campaign in their countries and on a continental scale to expand direct actions for collective security. We urge support in every possible way for the proposal to call a conference of European nations. The communists of European countries are deeply convinced that by defending peace and security on their continent against the forces of aggression and war they are acting in the interests of democracy, social progress, and national liberation, in the interests of the peoples of all the world.