siderations above others, when the weight of them is so visibly Superior that it cannot be contested. It is there, first, that the Foundations are to be laid of our Naval Oeconomy; amongst these, there is one Article which in its own Nature must be allowed to be the Corner-stone of the Building: the Choice of Officers, with the Discipline and Encouragement belonging to them. Upon this Head only, I shall then take the liberty to venture my Opinion into the World, with a real Submission to those, who may offer any thing better for the advantage of the Publick.

The first Question then will be, Out of what sort of Men the Officers of the Fleet are to be chosen; and this immediately leadeth us to the present Controversy between the Gentlemen and the Tarpaulins.

To state the thing impartially, it must be owned that it seemeth to lye fairest for the Tarpaulin: It giveth an Impression that must have so much weight as to make a Man's Opinion lean very much on that side, it carrieth so much Authority with it, it seemeth to be so unquestionable, that those are fittest to Command at Sea, who have not only made it their Calling, but their Element; that there must naturally be a prejudice to any thing then can be said against it. There must therefore be some Reason extraordinary to support the Argument on the other side, or else the Gentlemen could never enter the Lists against such a violent Objection, which seemeth not to be resisted. I will introduce my Argument with an Assertion, which as I take to be true almost in all Cases, so it is necessary to be explained and inforced in this. The Assertion is, that there is hardly a single Proposition to be made, which is not deceitful, and the tying our Reason too close to it, may in many Cases be destructive. Circumstances must come in, and are to be made a part of the Matter of which we are to judge; positive Decisions are always dangerous, more especially in Politicks. A Man, who will be Master of an Argument, must do like a skilful General, who sendeth Scouts on all sides, to see whether there may not be an Enemy. So he must look round to see what Objections can be made, and not go on in a streight Line, which is the ready way to lead him into a mistake.

Before then, that we conclude what sort of Men are fittest to Command at Sea, a Principle is to be laid down, that there is a differing Consideration to be had of such a Subject-matter, as is in it self distinct and independent, and of such an one as being a Limb of a Body, or a Wheel of a Frame, there is a necessity of suiting it to the rest, and preserving the Harmony of the whole. A Man must not in that Case restrain himself to the separate Consideration of that single Part, but must take care it may fall in and agree with the Shape of the whole Creature, of which it is a Member. According to this Proposition, which I take to be indisputable, it will not I hope appear an Affectation, or an extravagant Fit of unseasonable Politicks, if, before I enter into the particular State of the present Question, I say something of the Government of England, and make that the Groundwork of what sort of Men are most proper to be made use of to Command at Sea.

The Forms of Government to which England must be subjected, are either Absolute Monarchy, a Commonwealth, or a Mixt Monarchy, as it is now...

I will not say, that there is never to be any Alteration; the Constitution of the several Parts that concur to make up the Frame of the present Government may be altered in many things, in some for the better, and in others, perhaps for the worse, according as Circumstances shall arise to induce a Change, and as Passion and Interest shall have more or less Influence upon the Publick Councils; but still, if it remaineth in the whole so far a mixt Monarchy, that there shall be a restraint upon the Prince as to the Exercise of a Despotick Power, it is enough to make it a Groundwork for the present Question. It appeareth then that a bounded Monarchy is that kind of Government which will most probably prevail and continue in England; from whence it must follow (as hath been hinted before) that every considerable Part ought to be so composed, as the better to conduce to the preserving the Harmony of the whole Constitution. The Navy is of so great Importance, that it would be disparaged by calling it less than the Life and Soul of Government.

Therefore to apply the Argument to the Subject we are upon; in case the Officers be all Tarpaulins, it would be in reality too great a tendency to a Commonwealth; such a part of the Constitution being Democratically disposed may be suspected to endeavour to bring it into that Shape; and where the influence must be so strong, the Supposition will be the more justifiable. In short, if the Maritime Force. which is the only thing that can defend us, should be wholly directed by the lower sort of Men, with an intire Exclusion of the Nobility and Gentry, it will not be easy to answer the Arguments supported by so great a probability, that such a Scheme would not only lean toward a Democracy, but directly lead us into it.

Let us now examine the contrary Proposition, viz. that all Officers should be Gentlemen.

Here the Objection lieth so fair, of its introducing an Arbitrary Government, that it is as little to be answered in that respect, as the former is in the other. Gentlemen in a general Definition, will be suspected to lie more than other Men under the Temptations of being made Instruments of unlimited Power; their Relations, their Way of Living, their Tast of the Entertainments of the Court, inspire an Ambition that generally draweth their Inclinations toward it, besides the gratifying of their Interests. Men of Quality are often taken with the Ornaments of Government, the Splendor dazleth them so, as that their Judgements are surprised by it; and there will be always some that have so little remorse for invading other Mens Liberties, that it maketh them less solicitous to preserve their own.

These things throw them naturally into such a dependance as might give a dangerous Biass; if they alone were in Command at Sea, it would make that great Wheel turn by an irregular Motion, and instead of being the chief means of preserving the whole Frame, might come to be the chief Instruments to discompose and dissolve it.

The two former exclusive Propositions being necessarily to be excluded in this Question, there remaineth no other Expedient, neither can any other Conclusion be drawn from the Argument as it hath been stated, than that there must be a mixture in the Navy of Gentlemen

and Tarpaulins, as there is in the Constitution of the Government, of Power and Liberty. This Mixture is not to be so rigorously defined, as to set down the exact Proportion there is to be of each; the greater or lesser Number must be directed by Circumstances, of which the Government is to Judge, and which make it improper to set such Bounds, as that upon no occasion it shall on either side be lessened or enlarged. It is possible the Men of Wapping may think they are injured, by giving them any Partners in the Dominion of the Sea; they may take it unkindly to be jostled in their own Element by Men of such a different Education, that they may be said to be of another Species; they will be apt to think it an Usurpation upon them, and notwithstanding the Instances that are against them, and which give a kind of Prescription on the other side, they will not easily acquiesce in what they conceive to be a hardship to them.

But I shall in a good measure reconcile myself to them by what follows; viz. The Gentlemen shall not be capable of bearing Office at Sea, except they be Tarpaulins too; that is to say, except they are so trained up by a continued habit of living at Sea, that they may have a Right to be admitted free Denizens of Wapping. Upon this dependeth the whole Matter; and indeed here lieth the difficulty, because the Gentlemen brought up under the Connivance of a looser Discipline, and of an easier admittance, will take it heavily to be reduced within the Fetters of such a New Model; and I conclude, they will be so extreamly averse to that which they call an unreasonable Yoke upon them, that their Original Consent is never to be expected. But if it appeareth to be convenient, and which is more, that it is necessary for the Preservation of the whole, that it should be so; the Government must be call'd in Aid to suppress these first Boilings of Discontent; the Rules must be imposed with such Authority, and the Execution of them must be so well supported, that by degrees their Impatience will be subdued, and they will concur in an Establishment to which they will every day be more reconciled.

They will find it will take away the Objections which are now thrown upon them, of setting up for Masters without having ever been Apprentices; or at least, without having served out their Time.

Mankind naturally swelleth against Favour and Partiality; their belief of their own Merit maketh Men object them to a prosperous Competitor, even when there is no pretence for it; but when there is the least handle offered, to be sure it will be taken. So, in this Case, when a Gentleman is preferr'd at Sea, the Tarpaulin is very apt to impute it to Friend or Favour: But if that Gentleman hath before his Preferment passed through all the Steps which lead to it, so that he smelleth as much of Pitch and Tar, as those that were Swadled in Sail-Cloath; his having an Escutcheon will be so far from doing him harm, that it will set him upon the advantage Ground: It will draw a real Respect to his Quality when so supported, and give him an Influence and Authority infinitely superior to that which the meer Seaman can ever pretend to.

When a Gentleman hath learned how to Obey, he will grow very much fitter to Command; his own Memory will advise him not to inflict too rigorous Punishments. He will better resist the Temptations

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of Authority (which are great) when he reflecteth how much he hath at other times wished it might be gently exercised, when he was liable to the Rigour of it.

When the undistinguish'd Discipline of a Ship hath tamed the young Mastership, which is apt to arise from a Gentleman's Birth and Education, he then groweth Proud in the right place, and valueth himself first upon knowing his Duty, and then upon doing it.

In plain English, Men of Quality in their several Degrees must either restore themselves to a better Opinion, both for Morality and Diligence, or else Quality it self will be in danger of being extinguished.

The Original Gentleman is almost lost in strictness; when Posterity doth not still further adorn by their Virtue the Escutcheon their Ancestors first got for them by their Merit, they deserve the Penalty of being deprived of it.

To expect that Quality alone should waft Men up into Places and Imployments, is as unreasonable, as to think that a Ship, because it is Carved and Gilded, should be fit to go to Sea without Sails or Tackling. But when a Gentleman maketh no other use of his Quality, than to incite him the more to his Duty, it will give such a true and settled Superiority, as must destroy all Competition from those that are below him. . .

[From "An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding" by David Hume, Great Books Series, Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.]

REASON AND EXPERIENCE

By David Hume

(1748)

Nothing is more useful than for writers, even, on moral, political, or physical subjects, to distinguish between reason and experience, and to suppose, that these species of argumentation are entirely different from each other. The former are taken for the mere result of our intellectual faculties, which, by considering à priori the nature of things, and examining the effects, that must follow from their operation, establish particular principles of science and philosophy. The latter are supposed to be derived entirely from sense and observation, by which we learn what has actually resulted from the operation of particular objects, and are thence able to infer, what will, for the future, result from them. Thus, for instance, the limitations and restraints of civil government, and a legal constitution, may be defended, either from reason, which reflecting on the great frailty and corruption of human nature, teaches, that no man can safely be trusted with unlimited authority; or from experience and history, which inform us of the enormous abuses, that ambition, in every age and country, has been found to make of so imprudent a confidence.

The same distinction between reason and experience is maintained in all our deliberations concerning the conduct of life; while the experienced statesman, general, physician, or merchant is trusted and followed; and the unpractised novice, with whatever natural talents endowed, neglected and despised. Though it be allowed, that reason may form very plausible conjectures with regard to the consequences of such a particular conduct in such particular circumstances; it is still supposed imperfect, without the assistance of experience, which is alone able to give stability and certainty to the maxims, derived from study and reflection.

But notwithstanding that this distinction be thus universally received, both in the active speculative scenes of life, I shall not scruple to pronounce, that it is, at bottom, erroneous, as least, superficial.

If we examine those arguments, which, in any of the sciences above mentioned, are supposed to be the mere effects of reasoning and reflection, they will be found to terminate, at last, in some general principle or conclusion, for which we can assign no reason but observation and experience. The only difference between them and those maxims, which are vulgarly esteemed the result of pure experience, is, that the former cannot be established without some process of thought, and some reflection on what we have observed, in order to distinguish its circumstances, and trace its consequences: Whereas in the latter, the experienced event is exactly and fully familiar to that which we infer as the result of any particular situation. The history of a Tiberius or a Nero makes us dread a like tyranny, were our monarchs freed from the restraints of laws and senates: But the observation of any fraud or cruelty in private life is sufficient, with the aid of a little thought, to give us the same apprehension; while it serves as an instance of the general corruption of human nature, and shows us the danger which we must incur by reposing an entire confidence in mankind. In both cases, it is experience which is ultimately the foundation of our inference and conclusion.

There is no man so young and unexperienced, as not to have formed, from observation, many general and just maxims concerning human affairs and the conduct of life; but it must be confessed, that, when a man comes to put these in practice, he will be extremely liable to error, till time and farther experience both enlarge these maxims, and teach him their proper use and application. In every situation or incident, there are many particular and seemingly minute circumstances, which the man of greatest talent is, at first, apt to overlook, though on them the justness of his conclusions, and consequently the prudence of his conduct, entirely depend. Not to mention, that, to a young beginner, the general observations and maxims occur not always on the proper occasions, nor can be immediately applied with due calmness and distinction. The truth is, an unexperienced reasoner could be no reasoner at all, were he absolutely unexperienced; and when we assign that character to any one, we mean it only in a comparative sense, and suppose him possessed of experience, in a smaller and more imperfect degree.