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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1865, by
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
History of the Administration of PRESIDENT LINCOLN ; including his Speeches, Letters, Addresses, Proclamations, and Messages. With a Preliminary Sketch of his Life. By HENRY J. RAYMOND.
II. THE EARLY CHURCH AND SLAVERY
1. Christianity and Emancipation; or the Teachings and the Influence of the Bible against Slavery. By the REV. JOSEPH P. THOMPSON.
2. De l'Abolition de l'Esclavage Ancien au Moyen Âge, et de sa Transformation en Servitude de la Glebe.
Par J. YANOSKI.
III. THE RECORDS OF VENETIAN DIPLOMACY
La Diplomatie Vénitienne. Les Princes de l'Europe,
IV. GIRARD COLLEGE AND ITS FOUNDER
1. Girard College and its Founder. By HENRY W. AREY.
2. Biography of Stephen Girard. By STEPHEN SIMPSON, Esq.
3. Annual Reports of the Board of Directors of the Girard College for Orphans.
V. THE FOUNDATION OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE .
1. History of the Romans under the Empire. By CHARLES MERivale, B. D.
2. Life of Marcus Tullius Cicero. By WILLIAM FORSYTH.
VL THE NATIONAL RESOURCES, AND THEIR RELATION TO FOREIGN COMMERCE AND THE PRICE OF GOLD. 126
VIL PALFREY'S HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND.
History of New England during the Stuart Dynasty.
VIII NATURAL THEOLOGY AS A POSITIVE SCIENCE. . . 177 Religion and Chemistry: or, Proofs of God's Plan in the Atmosphere and its Elements. Ten Lectures delivered at the Brooklyn Institute, Brooklyn, N. Y., on the Graham Foundation. By JOSIAH P. COOKE, JR.
IX. HERALDRY IN NEW ENGLAND
1. The Herald and Genealogist. Edited by JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, F. S. A.
2. The New England Historical and Genealogical Register and Antiquarian Journal. Report of the Standing Committee on Heraldry.
3. A Manual of Heraldry, Historical and Popular, with Seven Hundred Illustrations. By CHARles BouTELL, M. A.
X. ARISTOCRATIC OPINIONS OF DEMOCRACY
1. Democracy in America. By ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE. Translated by HENRY REEVE. Edited, with Notes, by FRANCIS BOWEN.
2. Dissertations and Discussions, Political, Philosophical, and Historical. By JOHN STUART MILL.
XI. CRITICAL NOTICES.
Chittenden's Report of the Peace Conference, 233.- Wilson's Anti-Slavery Legislation, 238. - McPherson's Political History, 241. biography of General Scott, 242.-Freeman's History of Cape Cod, 244. -Austin's Lectures on Jurisprudence, 246. Woolsey's Study of International Law, 253. Mill's Dissertations and Discussions, 259. -The Works of Francis Bacon, 266. Mrs. Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art, 267. Miss Prescott's Azarian, 268. Trollope's Lindisfarn Chase, 277. Emily Chester, 279. Charles Lamb's Eliana and Leigh Hunt's Seer, 284.- - Felton's Familiar Letters, 287. Curwen's Journal and Letters, 288.-Huxley's Comparative Anatomy, 290. Sullivant's Icones Muscorum, 298. Webster's Dictionary, 299.-Rider's Lyra Anglicana, 303.-Doran's Annals of the English Stage, 304.- Dodge's Irvington Stories, 304.- Tennyson's Enoch Arden, 305. De Voe's Market-Book, 307.
THE SEMI-CENTENARY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 315
NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW.
ART. I. History of the Administration of PRESIDENT LINCOLN ; including his Speeches, Letters, Addresses, Proclamations, and Messages. With a Preliminary Sketch of his Life. By HENRY J. RAYMOND. New York: J. C. Derby and N. C. Miller. 1864. 12mo. pp. 496.
THE character of the man chosen to be President of the United States for the next four years is of importance to the nation only secondary to that of the moral and political principles involved in his election. He is not merely the representative of these principles, but upon him mainly depends the direction of the policy by which they are to be expressed and maintained in the acts of administration. And now that the people have decided the question at issue in the election in conformity with the dictates of honor and good sense; now that they have decided that the national integrity must be preserved; that the constitutional rights of the majority must be maintained; that no price is too great to be paid for that Union which is the condition of national existence, dignity, and strength; that Rebellion must be punished, and slavery, the source of Rebellion, extirpated; that lasting peace must be secured by victory, and not by surrender; — and since by this decision they have reaffirmed the fundamental principles of American democracy, and have reasserted their devotion to justice and liberty as embodied in the national institutions, there is reason for the heartiest satisfaction that the character of Abraham VOL. C. NO. 206.
Lincoln, upon whom more than upon any other man devolves the responsibility of giving effect to the popular will, has been already tried, and has proved worthy of the new trust which has been committed to him.
The period during which Mr. Lincoln has been President has tested him by altogether extraordinary circumstances. But the very storm and pressure of events, which have tried and proved the real qualities of the man, have also created such general excitement of feeling as to render the formation of a fair and impartial judgment of his course a matter of difficulty even for the coolest and most candid observers. Political passion and prejudice have dimmed the vision and distorted the views of men. The invidious scrutiny of vehement opponents has been exercised to discover faults, or their malignity has been employed in inventing them, while the zeal of no less. vehement partisans has been displayed with scarcely less injurious effect in the exaggeration of merits or the denial of mistakes in judgment or in action. To be misrepresented is the penalty of one who holds exalted office. The President lives in a terrible publicity. His looks, his words, his deeds, are constantly supplying material for the fancy of friends or enemies to work upon. Frankness is a risk for him, reserve is hardly less dangerous. Simplicity of heart is no protection against those who are ready to suspect sincerity itself of being double-minded. Good faith and good humor afford no safeguard against misinterpretation. But all this is only the old complaint and the familiar vice of courts, aggravated by the peculiar conditions of American public life. Amid the perils of the Rebellion, and under the burden of cares of state, Mr. Lincoln might many times have exclaimed, with Henry VI. :
"How will the country, for these woful chances,
But in spite of misrepresentations, innocent or designed, and putting aside all rumor, and all that rests on hearsay and report, there has been during the term of Mr. Lincoln's Presidency a steady accumulation of material for judgment, until at length it has become sufficient for the formation of an estimate, if not complete, at least accurate as far as it goes, of his motives and character. A man is to be judged by the current of his