nived at the support which the Fenians had received out of the funds of the Land League.

Collections were nevertheless started in Ireland for the purpose of a testimonial to Parnell, which, notwithstanding a papal interdict, reached within a few months the sum of nearly £40,000. Latterly, as we know, under the leadership of Parnell, in the province of Ulster, the head-quarters of the Protestant Orangemen, a fierce quarrel has begun between them and the Roman Catholic Leaguers, which, it would seem, was caused less by religious differences (Parnell himself is a Protestant), than by the political opposition, inasmuch as the Orangemen defend the idea of the unity of the Empire, the Leaguers, on the other hand, more or less distinct federalism.

For the rest the English Government succeeded in the course of last year (1883) in controlling the revolutionary movement in Ireland at least to some extent by imprisoning the chief agitators, among them several members of Parliament, by means of the Coercion Act, and by gradually discovering the secret associations which had perpetrated numberless crimes within the last years. Thus they succeeded in dissolving the so-called "Invincibles," who had made it their special business to carry out the Phoenix Park murders, the "Irish Patriotic Fraternity," the "Vigilance Committee," and similar societies, who all had as their common object the war of annihilation against English rule in Ireland, and in awarding to their members, so far as they had not fled to America, their well-deserved punishment. Since then the number of outrages committed has considerably decreased, and the reforms which have been begun seem gradually to exert their beneficial influence. On the other hand, it is true that the determined attitude against the revolutionists has ripened their intention henceforward to attack England at its very heart, of which the dynamite outrages which have been continued till quite recently in London and other English towns, and the inquiries instituted there, give painful proof.

SWITZERLAND.

NTIL the present day Socialism has not been able to gain numerous adherents in Switzerland among its native population, because the difference in language in the various parts of the country, the small concentration of industry, and the strongly developed national feeling of distrust of everything foreign, much impede all propaganda of this kind. Thus as lately as 1880 the whole number of the adherents of the Swiss working men's movement, with all its shades of opinion, was estimated at scarcely 1,500 out of a population of three millions. On the other hand, in this small country Socialism first and most distinctly showed its international character, since already for several decades Switzerland has offered a place of meeting for all the elements of discontent throughout Europe, and its central position in the heart of Europe on the border between the Germanic and Romanic nations makes it preferable even to the equally liberal England.

It is sufficient with regard to this to refer to the great trials of Socialists which took place shortly before 1880 in the chief cities of Europe, and almost all of which pointed out that Switzerland was the centre of international revolutionary agitation; to the revolutionary press which appears there in large numbers, especially at Geneva, and in many different languages, and which thence travels to the different countries of Europe; to the official circular of the 7th of December, 1878, which even a Swiss administration deemed necessary in order to control the waves of this movement, which were running too high; to the numerous expulsions of Germans, French, Italians, Spaniards, Russians, Poles, and others which followed thereon. The International, too,

held its great congresses by preference on Swiss ground. The Socialistic agitation has therefore always been obliged to deal with the most various elements in Switzerland, and the chief difficulty has always been the attainment of an organization to satisfy all parties, while its solution has not been discovered up till now. Already the "International" had fallen a victim to the development of such special endeavours on Swiss ground. These had been begun shortly before 1870 by the Russian Nihilist Bakunin, had led in 1871 to the foundation of the "Fédération Jurassienne, which even then was strongly inclined to Anarchism, and at the Congress of Hague (2nd and 9th of September, 1872) to the well-known split and consequent dissolution of the "International." It was then intended to unite its Swiss members with the allied movements into a centralized organization; and when this failed the attempt was made to form a mixed organization, which, however, succeeded even less, so that at the present time the hope of success lies in purely federalistic principles.

Among the various elements which must here be considered the "Grütliverein " is the only stable and widely spread organization. This society favours strongly national Swiss tendencies, has during the last ten years distinctly assumed the character of a working men's organization, numbers nearly two hundred branches, with about 7,000 members, succeeds in obtaining a yearly income of 70,000 to 80,000 francs, controls a paper of its own, the Grütlianer, and consists of a number of local and cantonal unions, that are directed in unison from the head-quarters, which are changed every year. On the other hand, the "Deutscher Arbeiterverein and the Swiss "Gewerkschaften' concern themselves with purely economical matters. Of these the latter arose first under the control of the "International," while the German associations, who have their head-quarters at Geneva, and who founded an organ of their own, the Vorbote, are in every way the oldest working men's organizations in Switzerland. Lastly we have to consider the Social Democrats and the Anarchists, and while the former draw their chief support from the above-mentioned trade societies, in the Anarchist camp, which is strongest in the French part of Switzerland, the most various nationalities are represented. Although these different

groups are not so sharply divided that members of one body might not also belong to another, yet it is comprehensible that such different elements cannot easily be formed into an organization which should include all. Nevertheless such attempts have been made.

The first was the founding of the "Schweizerischer Arbeiterbund" (Swiss Working Men's Union), which was started in 1873, at the "first general Swiss Congress of Workers" at Olten. Here the influence of the "International" was still felt so far that the chief principles of the programme and organization were borrowed from it, while for the rest the attempt was made to satisfy the various special tendencies as much as possible by means of the so-called "stepping stones." It was, however, not long before this failed. The Swiss members complained of the want of interest in, and comprehension of, their national political objects shown by the numerous foreigners, and especially the Germans, while, on the other hand, the Germans, who indeed cared more for the propaganda in Germany and the events that took place there, than for the Swiss comrades, thought that they were too little supported by them, and, moreover, caused a split in the Association when the question was brought forward whether they should follow the party of Most and Hasselmann or that of Bebel and Liebknecht. Thus it came about that the number of the members of the "Arbeiterbund" decreased from 5,000 to 2,000, and shortly after the Society saw that its dissolution was inevitable.

Consequently the proposal of the Germans,-who since the Congress of Wyden (20th to 23rd August, 1880) had felt the pressing need of becoming more closely connected with their comrades in Germany, but had seen that they were considerably hindered by the necessity of keeping on good terms with the Swiss, to dissolve the "Arbeiterbund" and to attempt the formation of another organization was generally approved of. In accordance with this, at the seventh and last Congress of the Arbeiterbund" at Olten (from the 6th to the 8th November, 1880), it was decided to separate the political and industrial movements and to assign them to different organizations. For this purpose it was arranged that on the 1st of January, 1881, an

"

"Allgemeiner Gewerkschaftsbund" (General Trades Union) should begin its existence, and should be open to all nationalities, since the basis of the industrial question was international; on the other hand, the political movements should be carried on by societies corresponding to the several nationalities, and therefore the Swiss united in a "Social Democratic party of Switzerland," the Germans (taking as their basis the Gotha programme) in a "German Social Democratic party in Switzerland." The "Schweizerische Vereinsbuchdruckerei und Volksbuchhandlung" (Swiss Printing Association and Popular Book Store), which had been formed by the "Arbeiterbund" at Zürich, was converted into an association whose shares could be obtained only by members of the above-mentioned societies and of the "Grütliverein," which had meanwhile regained its former independence, and in place of the Tagwacht, the Arbeiterstimme was called into existence as the official organ of the "Gewerkschaftsbund" and the Swiss Socialists, while the Sozialdemocrat was left to the Germans. At the same time Geneva was declared the head-quarters of the "Gewerkschaftsbund," and Zürich was retained as that of the Socialistic societies. Now since all these societies were to receive a local and cantonal constitution, like the "Grütliverein," it was hoped that it would be all the easier to attain a successful co-operation in a Socialistic direction, especially since now the different special movements could take their course without injuring the whole. Nevertheless in this case too the hoped-for success was not attained. Already in the following year the "Grütliverein" refused its co-operation, since, as a national society, it could not connect itself with the international aims of the 'Gewerkschaftsbund' and the Socialists."

The Swiss and German elements again came into conflict in the "Gewerkschaftsbund," and the latter especially was accused of an arrogant desire for power, and no unanimity could be obtained even with regard to the question of organization, whether an industrial, or territorial, or mixed formation deserved the preference. In consequence of this the Swiss Social Democratic party made no progress, especially as they were short of suitable agitators in the first instance, and even the Arbeiterstimme