or any Just before I left Kentucky the succeeding fall, (Nov. | writers, and editors of newspapers, with which the press 1824), to proceed to Washington, a report reached Lex- has teemed to my prejudice. The task would be endington that gen. Jackson intended to take that place in less. To guard against any misinterpretation that might his route to the city. Our friendly intercourse having be placed on my silence, in respect to a letter from Mr. been restored, in the manner stated, I was very desirous Harrison Munday, which has been widely circulated, that he should arrive, prior to my departure from home, and which was published at a period chosen to affect the that I might offer to him the hospitality of my house, and, Kentucky election. I declare that whether this letter be lest he might misinterpret the motive of my departure, genuine or not, its statements are altogether groundless. if it preceded his arrival. In this temper of mind, II never had such a conversation with him as that letter think it quite possible that I may have said that, if I had describes, respecting Mr. Adams, who, at the time when been aware of his intention to pass that way, I would it is alledged to have happened, was abroad, and of whom have written to him when I intended to set out, and urg- at that early period, there had been certainly no general ed him to reach Lexington before I started on my jour-conversation in regard to his election to the presidency. ney. I certainly never contemplated travelling in com- The appointment which Mr. Markley holds, was conpany with him, having some time before made all my ar-ferred upon him in consequence of the very strong rerangements for the journey with the gentleman who ac- commendations of him, principally for a more important companied me, and having determined upon a route, dif- office, from numerous highly respectable persons of all ferent from the usual one, which was taken by gen. Jack-parties, in various parts of Pennsylvania, from some of son. It has been affirmed that I wrote to him expressing the Pennsylvania delegation, among whom Mr. Bucha wish to accompany him to the city of Washington, and anan took a warm and zealous interest in his behalf, and his silence would seem to imply an acquiescence in the from the support given to him by the secretary of the correctness of the statement, if it were not put forward treasury, to which department the appointment beon his suggestion. I am quite sure that I did not at that longed. period write him a letter of any description; but if I did, When it was ascertained that I was not one of the three there express my entire sent to the publication of that candidates who were returned to the house of represen cuci addressed to him I do not be- tatives, 1 was compented to Tu, if I recy at all, one lieve I did, because I do not think that there was time, of those actually returned. The duty which the people after I heard of his intention to come by Lexington, for a devolved on me was painful and perilous, and I anticiletter from me to reach Nashville, and an answer to be pated that it was impossible for me, whatever course I returned, before it was requisite to commence the jour- should take, to escape censure. I confess that the meaney-a punctual attendance on my part being necessary sure has transcended all expectation, if it be not unexas the presiding officer of the house. If such a letter ampled It has been seen that my opinion was early and had been, (as most undesignedly might have been), deliberately formed, under circumstances where no perwritten, can any thing more strongly illustrate the spirit sonal motive could have swayed me; that it was adhered of hostility against me than the unwarrantable inferences, to without deviation; and that it was avowed again and which have been drawn from that assumed fact? When again, not to one or to two but to many persons, not in I left home in November I did not certainly know the obscurity, but standing high in the public estimation and electoral vote of a solitary state in the union. Although in my own. Not a particle of opposing testimony has I did not doubt the result of that in Kentucky, the re- been, or with truth can be, adduced. I have indeed deturns had not come in, and the first authentic information rived consolation from the reflection that, amidst all the which I received of the vote of any state was that of Ohio, perturbation of the times, no man has been yet found which reached me on the Kanawha, during the journey, hardy enough to assert, that I ever signified a purpose of more than two hundred miles from my residence. voting for gen. Jackson. It has been seen that, so far as Whether I would be one of the three returned to the any advances were made, they proceeded from the side house of representatives was not ascertained, until more of gen. Jackson. After our meeting at Lebanon, ages than three weeks after I had reached Washington. Is it might have rolled away, and, if we both continued to not, then, most unreasonable to suppose, if I had written live, I never would have sought the renewal of any intersuch a letter as has been imagined, proposing that we course with him. When he came to the senate, and at should travel together, that I could have had any object the commencement of the next session of congress, the connected with the presidential election? I reached Wash-system of operation decided on, in respect to my friends ington several days before him. Shortly after his arrival, he called to see me, but I was out. I returned the visit, considering it in both instances one of mere ceremony. I met with him but rarely during that session, and always, when I did see him, in company. I sought no opportunities to meet him, for, having my mind unalterably fixed in its resolution not to vote for him, I wished to inspire him with no hopes from me. The presidential election never was a topic, to which the most distant allusion was made by me, in any conversation with him, but once, and that happened at a dinner given by the Russian minister, the late baron of Tuyll, on the 24th December, 1824. I recollect the day, because it was the birth day of the late emperor Alexander. About If truth has not lost its force, reason its sway, and the thirty gentlemen composed the party, and, among them, fountains of justice their purity, the decision must be ausMr. Adams, Mr. Calhoun, gen. Jackson, and, I think, picious. With a firm reliance upon the enlightened judgMr. Macon. Just before we passed from the drawing ment of the public, and conscious of the zeal and uprightinto the dining room, a group of some eight or ten gen-ness with which I have executed every trust committed tlemen were standing together, of whom gen. Jackson to my care, I await the event without alarm or appreand I were a part, and internal improvements, (I do not recollect how, became the subject of conversation. I observed to him, in the course of it, that if he should be elected president, I hoped the cause would prosper under his administration. He made some general remarks, which I will not undertake to state, lest I should do him injustice. and me, was one of courteous and assiduous attention. From that, the transition was to a scheme of intimidation, of which Mr. Kremer's letter is only a small part of the evidence. Intimidation of a representative of the people in the discharge of a solemn trust! That is the last day of the republic on which such means shall be successfully employed and publicly sanctioned. Finding me immovable by flattery or fear, the last resort has been to crush me by steady and unprecedented calumny. Whether this final aim shall be crowned with success or not, depends upon the intelligence of the American people. I make no appeal to their sympathy. I invoke only stern justice. hension. Whatever it may be, my anxious hopes will continue for the success of the great cause of human liberty, and of those high interests of national policy, to the promotion of which the best exertions of my life have been faithfully dedicated. And my humble, but earnest, prayers will be unremitted, that all danger may be averted from our common country; and, especially, My principal inducement to the publication of this ad- that our union, our liberty, and our institutions, may dress being to exhibit the testimony which it embodies; long survive, a cheering exception from the operation of it forms no part of my purpose to comment on the state-that fatal decree, which the voice of all history has hitherments which have been published of Messrs. Buchanan, to uniformly proclaimed. H. CLAY. Eaton, Isaacks and Markley, all of them the friends of Washington, December, 1827. gen. Jackson, on the occasion of the late election. Neither shall I notice the numerous falsehoods of anonymous (The documents accompanying this address shall have a place in our next.) THIRD SERIES. No. 20-VOL. IX.] BALTIMORE, JAN. 12, 1828. [VOL. XXXIII. WHOLE No. 852 THE PAST-THE PRESENT FOR THE FUTURE. EDITED AND Published by H. NILES & SON AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. For an interesting article on the tariff question, conceived, more persuasive language. Indeed they ap see page 316. peared to be willing to make any promises which they thought would induce the friends of Mr. Clay to vote for general Jackson. APPENDIX TO MR. CLAY'S ADDRESS. (A.) Chillicothe, May 18, 1827. SIR: With respect to the letter from Nashville, of the Sth of March last, originally published in the Fayetteville Observer, to which you have done me the honor to call my attention in your favor of the first of this month, I can only state, that, so far as my knowledge extends, the assertion of the writer "that general Jackson told me, [him] this morning, before all his company, in reply to a question I put to him, concerning the election of J. Q. Adams to the presidency, that Mr. Clay's friends made a proposition to his friends, that if they would promise for him not to put Mr. Adams into the seat of secretary of state, Clay and his friends would, in one hour, make him, Jackson, the president," is totally destitute of foundation. cuted. I do not believe, however, that general Jackson ever made the statement attributed to him, as such "slang" does not comport with the character of a soldier, or of a high minded honorable man. Nor do I believe, as I before stated, that any such proposition was ever made by the friends of Mr. Clay to those of general Jackson; or that propositions of any kind were ever made by them, to any person, as a condition, upon the compliance with which, their vote was made to depend. But, if the fact should be otherwise, let the proof appear, and the names of the persons be published, so that the world may know and judge how far they ought, of right, to be considered the friends of Mr. Clay, or were authorized to make such a proposition. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obes dient servant, DUNCAN M'ARTHUR. Doctor T. Watkins It is well known that when it was ascertained that Mr. Clay would not be one of the three highest persons voted for by the electoral colleges, for the office of president, my next choice was Mr. Crawford. Had it not been Urbana, July 12th, 1827. for the ill health of that gentleman, and the little SIR: On my return from a visit to West Point, I found prospeet there was of his ultimate success, several of the your favor of the 5th of May, and with great cheerfulOhio delegation, besides myself, would have given himness answer the question therein propounded. their support. And, it is with regret, that I now see his You ask me, as one of the friends of Mr. Clay, that voted friends so much divided, and many of them uniting with for Mr. Adams, if I knew of any proposition being made a party by whom he had been so ungenerously perse- that if he, (Jackson), would not appoint Mr. Adams setogen. Jackson, or his friends, by Mr. Clay, or his friends, It was evident to all that the election did then lie be-cretary of state, that we, the friends of Mr. Clay, would tween Mr. Adams and general Jackson. And, although ton, that I never heard of those or any other terms being support him for the presidency. I say, without hesitaso much has been said and written, in order to induce a thought of, as an equivalent for the vote we were about to belief that Mr. Clay had transferred and influenced his friends to vote for Mr. Adams, the fact is that the Ohio Sive, nor do I believe that the friends of Mr. Clay, or Mr. delegation, (or at least a large majority of them), were the Clay himself, ever thought of making or suggesting any first of Mr. Clay's friends who came to the determination terms to any one of the parties, as the grounds of our of voting for Mr. Adams, and that too without having as acceptance or rejection of either of the three candidates certained Mr. Clay's views on the subject. returned to the house of representatives. As one of the and unreserved conversations, both with him and his original friends of Mr. Clay, I was in the habit of free other friends, relative to that election, and I am bold to dition on which our vote was to be given, mentioned say that I never heard a whisper of any thing like a coneither by Mr. Clay himself, or any of his friends, at any time, or under any circumstances. That the friends of Mr. Clay, while the clection was pending before the house, were treated with great kindness and courtesy, by the friends of the other candidates, is certainly true, and that we were strongly importuned to support their respective favorites, is equally true; but I can say with truth, and I say it with great pleasure, that I never heard a proposition from the friend or friends of either of the candidates, or from any other person, directed either to the tion, calculated or intended to swerve them from a conambition or avarice of those having a voice in the elecscientious discharge of their duty. Nor do I believe it was the opinion of any well informed man, in the house of representatives, until it was seized hold of by the combination, as the best and only means to ruin Mr. Clay. Iam, with great respect, your obedient servant, JOSEPH VANCE. Hon. T. Watkins. Ohio had interests at stake, which could not, under any circumstances, be abandoned or jeopardised. The course which general Jackson, and many of his friends in congress, had pursued, with regard to internal improvements, and the bill for the revision of the tariff; and, indeed, in relation to almost every measure which we deemed of importance to the country generally, and more particularly to the western state's, put it out of our power to support the pretensions of the general, without, at the time, abandoning what we conscientiously believed to be bur duty. On the other hand, it was evident, that, for the support of those measures, our only reliance was upon the friends of Mr. Adams, the identity of interest between the northern and western states, and the liberality of the eastern members of congress. Another, and still more serious consideration with us, was, the qualifications of those gentlemen from whom, under the provisions of the constitution, a president was to be selected by the house. So far as I was acquainted with the sentiments of Mr. Clay's friends, I do not believe that they could have been prevailed upon to have supported the election of general Jackson upon any conditions whatever, much less that of excluding Mr. Adams from the appointment of secretary of state. son. The language held by some of the friends of the geLancaster, May 21, 1827. neral, before the election, was, that the friends of Mr. DEAR SIR: Absence from home, is the reason why I Clay durst not vote for any man other than general Jack-have not, before this, answered your letter, upon the This was so often repeated, in a menacing manner, subject of the letter said to have been written by a "highthat it seemed that they already considered us chained to ly respectable Virginian." the car of the general; and, if viewed in that degrading Tight, what inducement could we have had to ask, or to offer conditions of any kind? But it is also true that others of the generals friends used, what they no doubt VOL. XXXUT- -No. 20. I do not know that a friend, or the friends of Mr. Clay, ever made any proposition to the friends of general Jack son, respecting the election of Mr. Adams, as president, in any way; or as respecting general Jackson not put ting Mr. Adams into the seat of secretary of state," in Nor can I admit that the friends of Mr. Clay had so contemptible an opinion of each other, or of Mr. Clay, as to suppose that the appointment or non-appointment of any man to any office would influence them in the discharge of an important public duty. Mr. Clay, and his friends, preferred Mr. Adams to general Jackson, merely because they believed he, in a more eminent degree, possessed the qualifications necessary to the able performance of the high duties assigned by the constitution and laws to the president of the United States. I am, dear sir, with great respect, your obedient ser- Wooster, May 9, 1827. DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 1st instant has been received. I had previously noticed the letter said to have been written by a "highly respectable Virginian," to which it refers. In answer to your inquiries, I have to state, that I have always supposed myself in the entire confidence of all Mr., Clay's supporters and friends, who were members of congress at the time of the presidential election, and that I have no hesitation in saying that I never heard the most distant insinuation from any of them that they would vote for general Jackson, if there was any prospect of choosing either of the other candidates. That any of the friends of Mr. Clay, in congress, ever made any proposition of conditions on which their votes would depend, to the friends cf general Jackson, or any other person, I do not believe. Had general Jackson been chosen, they would have felt no concern as to who he might have appointed members of his cabinet; and, as to Mr. Clay's accepting an appointment under him, they would, to a man, have most certainly opposed it. I judge of this from the opinion which I know they entertained of general Jackson's want of capacity, and the fact that it was not until some time after the choice of Mr. Adams that they agreed to advise Mr. Clay to accept of the office he now holds. His acceptance has always been regarded by them as a favor done to the country, and not as one conferred upon him. If the disposition of general Jackson could have been judged of by the importunity of some of his congressional friends, I should have supposed that a proposition of the kind mentioned, would have been instantly closed with; but no such propositions were ever made by the friends of Mr. Clay, and none such would have been accepted by them. In short, I feel confident that the whole is a vile and infamous falsehood, such as honorable men would not resort to, more especially after having, upon full consultation and deliberate consideration, declined an investigation of the whole matter before a committee of the house of representatives. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, the friends of Mr. Clay, on a compliance with which thei votes was made to depend. Allow me to observe, in addition, that the vote of the Ohio delegation was determined upon by consultation among its members, so far as I know or believe, without any stipulation or agreement with the delegation of any other state, or individual, as to what that vote should be. To my knowledge, no influence whatever, other than the convictions of each member, after a candid and serious examination into the fitness and qualifications of the three candidates before the house, for the office of chief magistrate, and an ardent desire properly to discharge the important duty devolved upon them by the constitution, according to its spirit, operated to control the vote of any one of Mr. Clay's friends, or himself. In great haste, sincerely yours, J. C. WRIGHT. T. Watkins, esq.. Gallipolis, (Ohio), May 27, 1827, DEAR SIB: On returning home, to-day, from a short journey, I had the pleasure ofreceiving your letter of the 1st instant, addressed to me, concerning the publication of a letter, that first appeared in the "Fayetteville Observer," said to have been written by "a highly respectable Virginian," containing a statement, in substance to this effect-that general Jackson, in answer to a question put to him by the writer, in presence of his, general J's company, said that Mr. Clay's friends made a proposition to his friends, that if they would promise for bira, Jackson, not to make Mr. Adams his secretary of state, that Clay and his friends would make him president at the then approaching election by congress. You request me to favor you with a statement concerning my knowledge of this matter. Having been one of the friends of Mr. Clay, who voted for Mr. Adams, I cheerfully avail myself of this opportunity to say that I have no knowledge whatever of the above mentioned proposition, or any other proposition having been made to general Jackson, or any of his friends, by Mr. Clay, or any of his friends, as a condition upon which his or their vote was to be given to general Jackson for the presidency. It may not, perhaps, be amiss to add, in relation to myself, that though I hold the public services of general Jackson in the highest estimation, it was well known to my constituents, for many months previous to the late presidential election, that, after Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams was my next choice, among the distinguished individuals who were then before the people of the United States, as candidates for that exalted station. I am, very respectfully, yours, &c. SAML. F. VINTON. T. Watkins, esq. Piqua, Ohio, 18th May, 1827. DEAR SIR: Yours of the 1st instant came to hand by the last mail, and in compliance with your request I will answer the interrogatories you propound. I had, prior to the reception of your letter, read the publication to which you allude, said to have been written by a "highly respectable Virginian," and dated at Nashville, the 8th of March, last, which first appeared, I believe, in the Fayetteville Observer, and subsequently in several other papers, in which the writer, after having mentioned his visit to general Jackson, thus proceeds: "He, (gene ral Jackson), told me this morning, before all his comSteubenville, 6th May, 1827. pany, in reply to a question I put to him concerning the DEAR SIR: Yours of the 1st current, stating that gene- election of J. Q. Adams to the presidency, that Mr. ral Jackson is reported to have said, at his table, "in the Clay's friends made a proposition to his friends, that if they presence of all his company," "that Mr. Clay's friends would promise, for him, not to put Mr. Adams into the made a proposition to his friends, that if they would pro-seat of secretary of state, Clay and his friends would, in mise for him not to put Mr. Adams into the seat of secretary of state, Clay and his friends would, in one hour, make him, Jackson, the president," &c. &c. and asking me to inform you whether I know, or believe, that such a proposition was ever made? Or, whether condi-He tions of any sort were proposed by the friends of Mr. Clay to any person, on a compliance with which their vote was made to depend? In reply, I can only say, sincerely and unequivocally, that I do not know or believe that any proposition of the kind mentioned, as from general Jackson, was ever made to the friends of general Jackson, by the friends of Mr. Clay, or any of them; and that I am wholly ignorant of any conditions, of any sort, being proposed to any one, by one hour, make him, Jackson, the president. He most indignantly rejected the proposition, and declared he would not compromit himself, and unless most openly and fairly made the president he would not receive it. declared that he said to them he would see the whole earth sink under him, before he would bargain or intrigue for it." You ask me to inform you whether I know, or believe, that such a proposition was ever made, or whether conditions of any sort were made by the friends of Mr. Clay, to any person, on a compliance of which their vote was made to depend? I answer that no such proposition was ever made, within my knowledge, nor have I any cause to believe that conditions, of any sort, were made, at any time, by the friends of Mr. Clay to any person, on a compliance with which their vote was made to depend. I will further say, I cannot believe that gen. Jackson made the declarations attributed to him in the letter purporting to have been written by a "highly respectable Virginian." I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. M'LEAN. T. Watkins, esq. Washington City. it is said to have emanated. I was in the house, I believe every day of that session at which the president was electmaking any proposition, or overture, were the friends ed; and have no hesitation in saying, that so far from of Mr. Clay, in favor of the general, that had the friends of the general made such a proposition, we would have considered it as an indignity offered to our intergrity and understanding. I could not have voted for the general, in any event, for many reasons-two of which I will mention: First, I believed him far inferior to all the other candidates in point of talents: Second, I had doubted his tures of our own country. I will also mention that I had being a real friend to the tariff to protect the manufacentertained doubts of his being friendly to internal improvement, under the direction of the general government. These opinions have been, within the present year, verified by declarations, and the course pursued by the general's leading friends, and his silence on the subject, after being solicited to come out. I am, dear sir, with respect, your obedient servant, St. Comsville, May 9th, 1827. Respectfully, yours, &c. JOHN PATTERSON, Canfield, Trumbull county, Ohio, May, 12, 1827. DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 1st was received this morning. In answer to your enquiries, I reply, that I do not know or believe that any proposition was ever made by any of Mr. Clay's friends to those of general Jackson's, on the morning of the presidential election, or at any other time, having any bearing on the candidate to be selected from the three returned to the house, nor do I know or believe that any conditions of any sort were proposed by the friends of Mr. Clay to any person, on a compliance with which their vote was made to depend;" but I do believe that the assertion made by general Jackson, as reported by "a highly respectable Virginian," and all of the charges of a like character, imputing either to Mr. Adams or to Mr. Clay, or to their friends, in answer to your inquiry I frankly state to you that if any improper, inconsistent, corrupt, or fraudulent con- any such proposition as you state, was made by the friends duct, on that interesting and momentous occasion, are of Clay to those of gen. Jackson, I had no knowledge of base slanders, known to be such by those who put them it; and I was one of the friends of Clay: I therefore bein circulation, yet very honestly accredited by many wor-lieve the report to be without an honest foundation. thy citizens. My intercourse with the friends of Mr. Clay was such that, had any proposition been made by them, I should have been very likely to have known of it. No man was ever elevated to an office by views more pure and patriotic than was Mr. Adams. The assertion imputed to general Jackson is ridiculous on the face of it. Admitting that Mr. Clay, and his friends were oscillating, previous to the charges made against Mr. Clay, of which Mr. Kremer afterwards assumed to be the author, those charges must have separated them from general Jackson and his friends; but, as between Mr. Adams and general Jackson, neither Mr. Clay, nor his friends doubt-be first published in the "Fayetteville Observer," The letter you refer to, dated Nashville, and said to ed for a moment whom to support, and if it had been read by me some time since, in some of my newspapers, known on the day that congress met that Mr. Clay would and thrown aside. I have searched for it, but cannot not be returned, and the vote had then been taken, (con- find it. The letter-general Jackson to Carter Beversidering Mr. Crawford's illness), the result would have ly, dated Hermitage, June 6th, 1827, is before me, and I been the same as when the election was held. If Mr. shall refer to it in my reply to you, under a belief that Clay's friends were halting between two opinions, on the it contains the substance of the accusations made by Bemorning of the election, how happens it the charges of verly in his Nashville letter. fraud, corruption, bargain, and sale, were made ten days or a fortnight before that time? If general Jackson has any evidence in his possession to sustain his declaration, why does he withhold it from the public? Very respectfully, yours, T. Watkins, esq. E. WHITTLESEY. Mansfield, Ohio, May 24th, 1827. T. Watkins, esq. Mount Sterling, (Ken.) Aug. 12, 1827. SIR: I have been constantly from home for some weeks past, and have not had leisure until this morning to anbelieve about the charges made against Mr. Clay and Mr. swer your letter, requesting me to state what I know and Adams, by gen. Jackson and his friends. was informed by others, that offers, propositions, or overtures, I do not know of my own knowledge, nor have I been such as are spoken of by gen. Jackson in his letter to Beverly, or similar thereto, or of any kind whatever, were made by Mr. Adams or his friends to Mr. Clay or his friends; or by Mr. Clay or his friends, to gen. Jackson or his friends. I do not know, nor do I believe that Mr. Adams or his friends, made overtures or offers, directly or indirectly, to Mr. Clay or his friends to make in aid of the election of Mr. Adams; nor do I know, or believe, that any pledge or promise of any kind, was made by Mr. Adams or his friends, to Mr. Clay or his friends, to procure his aid in the election. any one else, that he was willing to vote for gen. JackI never heard from Mr. Clay, or any of his friends, or son, if the general would say, or any of his friends for him, that Mr. Adams should not be continued secretary of state; nor do I know or believe that Mr. Clay ever expressed a willingness, or any of his friends for him, to support or vote for general Jackson, if he could obtain · the office of secretary of state under him. DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 2nd instant was just re-him secretary of state, if he and his friends would unite ceived, giving a statement of the contents of a letter said to have been written by a highly respectable Virginian, relative to a statement said to have been made by general Jackson on the subject of the late presidential election. Betore I proceed, in justice to the general, I will say that I do not believe that he ever made the declaration alluded to by the writer of said letter, for the general was there when the election took place, and must inevitably have known that such a statement would carry falsehood on the very face of it. It was well known that some of the friends of Mr. Clay, from Ohio, would not, in any event, give their support to gen. Jackson, because Mr. Adams was their second choice, and believed to be the second choice of a majority of the people of this state; and further, general Jackson must know that two weeks previous to the election, Mr. Clay and his friends were assailed in a vulgar and ungentlemanly manner for declaring their intention to vote for the present executive; yet this proposition is said to have been made to the friends of general Jackson; that on certain conditions, "the general should be president in one hour," which, if true, must have been made only one hour before the canvass took place in the house. This statement of itself needs no refutation except for the respectable source from which offers of any kind, were made by Mr. Clay or his friends, I do not know, nor do I believe, that any overtures, or to Mr. Adams or his friends, to vote for him or support. him, if he would make Mr. Clay secretary of state; or to general Jackson or his friends, to vote for him or support him, if he could obtain the office of secretary of state under him; nor do I believe that Mr. Clay would have taken office under him if he had been elected. nor do I believe that Mr. Clay made, or authorized any I cannot believe the statement made to gen. Jackson, of his friends to make overtures to him, directly or indirectly, because I know that Mr. Clay intended to vote against him. I know Mr. Clay had determined to vote | sible circumstances. I gave it as my opinion, that ger for Mr. Adams as early as October, 1824, if the election Jackson was not qualified to fill the station, and discharge should devolve upon the house of representatives, in its multifarious and complicated duties, foreign and docongress, with his own name excluded from the list. In mestic: To this he agreed, and added, that the impartial this I cannot be mistaken, because he told me so express-world would probably consider Mr. Adams better qualily. He may have forgotten what he said to me, but the fied than either Jackson, Crawford, or himself: That at substance of the conversation is fresh in memory with all events, (Crawford aside), the difference in point of myself, and I will endeavor to detail such portions of it, qualification was so clear and obvious in favor of Adams, as will evince his prepossessions in favor of Mr. Adams, that his motives might be questioned by impartial men, it as well as his fixed intention to vote for him. he should vote for Jackson; and that he would be unable to defend the vote, because in his own judgment it would afford just ground of censure. Mr. Adams, we all know, was elected on the 9th of February, 1825. The prevailing opinion, you will recollect, as early as January, 1824, if not earlier was, that He made several objections to gen. Jackson, and in the none of the candidates would obtain a majority of the course of his remarks, expressed himself decidedly hoswhole number of electoral votes, (261), and it was ex-tile to the selection of military men to administer the pected, as a matter of course, that the eventual election civil government of free nations. No nation, he said, would devolve upon the house of representatives. The had ever done it with impunity: The warnings of histofriends of Mr. Clay believed that he would go before the ry were against it: He considered it a bad example, and house as one of the three highest on the list of candidates; a dangerous experiment, and declared that he would not but this was not certain, and on the contrary it was rea- give it the sanction of a precedent in our government by sonable to suppose that he might fail. In looking for any act of his. He turned the conversation to the Semiward to a failure on his part, and to the possible events nole war, and to the occurrences connected with it-reand consequences which might follow, I was frequently ferred particularly to the constitutional principles which brought to consider which of the other three candidates were brought forward and supported by himself and Mr. ought to be preferred as a chief magistrate of the nation. Lowndes and others in the course of the debate upon It is enough to say, without dwelling upon matters con- that subject, and declared that he could not consent to cerning myself, that I concluded as early as February, place gen. Jackson at the head of the nation, after see1824, to vote for Mr. Adams as a second choice in the ing him trample on the constitution, and violate the rights event of Mr. Clay's exclusion from the house; subject of humanity, as he had done at the head of the army, in at all times to a change of opinion, for such reasons as the progress of that war. ought to influence the judgment of a public agent, de- I made some reference to the supposed difference of sirous of discharging his public trusts faithfully and ho-opinion between himself and Mr. Adams about the treanestly; and intending at the proper season to consult ty of Ghent. He said in reply, that it had been greatly fully and freely with the rest of my colleagues; holding magnified by the friends of his competitors for electionmyself at liberty all along to consider the claims of Mr.eering purposes-that it ought to have no influence in Crawford, if his health should be restored, which, how-the vote which he might be called upon to give-that if ever, I thought improbable, if not impossible. It so hap- he was weak enough to allow his personal feelings to inpened, that the honorable Robert Trimble, then a judge fluence his public conduct, there would be no change in of the federal court for the district of Kentucky, and now his mind on that account, because he was then upon much one of the justices of the supreme court of the United worse terms with gen. Jackson about the Seminole war, States, came to the city of Washington, in the month of than he could ever be with Mr. Adams about the treaty February, 1824, and I well remember that I conversed of Ghent-but that in the selection of a chief magistrate with him freely upon the subject of the election. I in- for the union, he would endeavor to disregard all private formed him of my preference for Mr. Adams as a second feelings, and look entirely to the interests of the country, choice, and explained to him the principles and views of and the safety of its institutions. policy which would govern me in making the selection. He spoke at large upon the subjects of agriculture, inI gave him my opinion of Mr. Adams as a statesman, ternal improvements, and domestic manufactures-said, and probably went so far as to mention some of my ob-that he was pledged to the nation in support of the Amejections to gen. Jackson. The recollections of judge rican system of policy, and of all measures favorable to Trimble on the subject have been asked for, and if re-it-that his own election had been advocated by his friends ceived in time shall be enclosed. in part upon that ground, and that he would consider it a duty to himself and friends to strengthen the great cause in which they were all engaged, as much as possible. In this respect he was satisfied, he said, that Mr. Adams was the best choice, and that if there was no other ground of preference he would feel himself bound on that secount to vote for him. It is My preference to Mr. Adams was strengthened by the occurrences of the session ending in May, 1824. It was manifest to me from what I saw and heard, that the bitterness of opposition to measures in favor of agriculture, internal improvements, and domestic manufactures had increased, and was increasing in the south, and I was satisfied that the American system of policy, including I do not remember whether I informed Mr. Clay of our western interests in it, could not be sustained in con- my own preference for Mr. Adams at that time or not, gress without the co-operation of members in favor of but am inclined to think that I did not, and I am satisfied the system from the eastern states, as well as from the that I had not done so on any previous occasion. middle and the western states. I concluded, and right-known to me, that Mr. Clay had a similar conversation, ly too I think, as time will show, that the best, it not the about the same period, with a citizen of Kentucky-who only way to ensure the success of the American system, stands as high as any man in it-to whom he made known ' and sustain our western interests in it, would be to elect his intention to vote for Mr. Adams, and gave various Mr. Adams, if Mr. Clay should be defeated. reasons why he would do so, declaring at the same time, In this state of mind I met with Mr. Clay at Frankfort, that he would not vote for gen. Jackson in any possible in Kentucky, about the first of October, 1824. It was event. The reasons given by him to the gentleman almy impression at the time, from the news of the day,luded to, so far as they have been detailed to me, are and other sources of information, that Mr. Crawford similar to those which he assigned to me in favor of his would get some sixty or seventy electoral votes, and that preference for Adams. I am not authorized to name the Mr. Clay would be left out of the house. We conversed person alluded to, but have no doubt that he would wilfor some time about the election; and in the course of con-lingly furnish a statement of the conversation which Mr. versation, after speaking freely to him about his own Clay held with him, if it should be considered necessary chances and prospects, I asked him which of the other or material. candidates he would vote for in the event of a failure on I should have thought strange of it, if Mr. Clay had his part: He said, that the event supposed would place voted for gen. Jackson after saying what he did of milihim in a delicate attitude before the house and nation; tary men, and military violence and rashness, in the dethat a choice among his competitors under any aspect of bate upon the Seminole war; and still more strange alit, would be painful and embarrassing: That from recent ter declaring—as he has often done in my hearing-in information, the restoration of Mr. Crawford's health the most solemn manner, that the constitution had been was entirely hopeless, and that he could not consistently trampled down and violated by the lawless arm of miliwith his principles vote for gen. Jackson, under any pos-tary power in that war; and stranger still, after advanc |