Locusts posts 8 feet long, 6 inches diameter at the small 7 8 end Do. do. inches do. do. Do. do. inches do. do. Locust keys, 2 feet long, 2 inches thick and 4 inches broad Do. do. 1 foot long, 24 do. do. do. Rolled iron bars, 21 or 2 inches wide, 5-8 inches thick and 15 feet long. The foregoing to be delivered in the city of Baltimore on or before the first day of July, 1828. Stone blocks of granite, gnies or other hard texture 8 by 12 inches, and from 6 to 12 feet long, undressed, the price to be stated at which they will be delivered in the City of Baltimore or at quarries, near to the route of the contemplated rail road. P.E. THOMAS, president. P. S. Persons desirous of contracting for any part of the foregoing materials, may receive further information, if desired, upon application at the office of the company. LEGISLATURE OF TENNESSEE. The new governor, gen. Samuel Houston, pronounced his inaugural address on the 1st ult. as follows: Clothed as I am with the constitutional powers, which are vested in the executive of the state, it fit that I should not remain silent on the occasion. I am not unaware, that difficulties are incident to the station in which I am placed; but I am cheered by the consolatory hope, that I shall not look in vain to my countrymen for that support which justice and patriotism never fail to afford. In the legislature of Tennessee I shall expect to find those measures which may be the subjects of executive recommendation, and which have for their object the good of our country, examined with fairness and impartiality. I cannot be insensible to the high obligations I am under to my fellow citizens who have confided to me the government of a state, so exalted in the scale of national character, and so justly proud of her achievements in the last sanguinary struggle with Great Britain. To me it is a source of grateful pleasure, and manly pride, that Tennessee is my adopted country. At an early age I came within her limits unattended by those adventitious aids, so Lecessary in pointing out the path of usefulness, and sustaining youth, under the pressure of inexperience and misfortune; and, however wayward and devious my course may have been in youth, her citizens have magnaninously upheld me. In return for that support, I trust my services have not been altogether unprofitable to my country. It has been my constaut aim, in every public station in which it has been my fortune to be placed, to exert all my abilities in sustaining the rights of the people. One of my obligations is to support the constitution of the United States. I am sensible of the sarced and important character of that instrument, and that it ought not to be violated-its provisions should be regarded, and exended in their operations to the purposes of its adoption. But at the same time, that we hold that production of our ancestors sacred, we should observe with vigilance and guard with firmness, our own constitution, (which is the guarantee of our sovereignty,) whenever an infraction of it is attempted by the general government. Thus while we support the federal constitution according to its essential principles, with a view to the preservation of the confederacy on the one hand,-we are bound on the other, to watch over, and preserve the rights of the state. In administering the government of the state, I shall have no motive to lead me from pursuing the best interest of the community. With interest and feelings identified with yours, and in addition to these, that love of country which can only terminate with my existence, I feel assured that I will have the confidence of my fellow-citizens in the integrity of my official conduct. In the course of the administration it will be my constant determination to guard, with sedulous care, the rights of the humblest individual, while justice will be impartially administered to the most exalted in society. In conclusion, gentlemen, I beg leave to tender through you to your several constituents, my sincere and grateful acknowledgments for the recent expression of their partiality and confidence, and to you, individually, I offer my rst respectful consideration. SIX MILITIA MEN. The Nashville committee have examined the state of the The extent and imposing character of this mutiny, with its suppression, the arrest of the offenders, their trial, conviction, with the punishment of Harris and his five associates in the mutiny and desertion, seems to be greatly misunderstood by many persons at a distance from the point where the facts occurred. Amongst the people of Tennessee, where the offenders resided, it is confidently believed but one opinion has prevailed, which is, that an example was indispensable, and that the commanding general could not, consistently with his duty, have done otherwise than confirm the judgment of the court martial. In the summer of 1314, a detachment of militia, from Teunessee, was ordered out for a period of six months, to be computed from the time they should rendezvous and be mustered into service; this happened on the 20th of June, and of consequence the expiration of the time was limited to the 20th December, 1815, when by the terms of the agreement, their service would expire. Between the 15th and 20th of September, and before the expiration of even three months, a mutiny broke out; many violent, riotous and insubordinate acts took place. The commissary's store house, in which were provisions for the army, collected at great trouble and expense, was forcibly entered, and such articles, as by the mutincers were deemed necessary for subsistence, on their return march, were seized and taken possession of the bake house and ovens necessary to supply the troops with bread, were broken up and demolished, sentinels were assailed and driven from their posts, and the authority of officers put at open, wanton defiance; on the morning of the 20th September, two hundred of those militia deserted and commenced their march homeward. Some were arrested and brought back-others, convinced that they had erred, voluntarily returned to their posts and duty. For their trial, not a regimental, but a general court martial was convened, with authority to investigate the circumstances of their conduct, and to decide upon their guilt and innocence. On the 21st of November, 1814, upon information lodged by Col. Pipkin, to whose regiment the mutinous troops belonged, an order was issued from the adjutant general's office, of which the following is a copy. "Adjutant general's office, November 21, 1814. Head quarters, seventh military district. A general court martial to consist of five members and two supernumeraries will convene at Mobile, at such time as lieut. col. Arbuckle shall direct, for the trial of such militia prisoners as may be brought before it. Col. P. Perkins is hereby appointed president of the court, and lieut. W. L. Robeson of the Sd regiment infantry will act as judge advocate. Col. Pipkin of the 1st regiment W. T. militia, will detail the members from the state troops at and near fort Montgomery; order on all the witnesses necessary for the trial of the prisoners of the regiment at this place-also to furnish specific charges against them; and lastly, will notify lieut, col Arbuckle of the probable time they will reach this point, Adjutant general. seven, that number could with difficulty be spared th › public service. The attack, which in August, had been made upon Mobile Point by a British squadron-the reduction of Pensacola and dislodgement of the enemy The court martial, in pursuance of the above order there in November, together with the prevailing rumors from head quarters, having been detailed and the court and opinions, that a descent was to be expected on the rendered full and complete through col. Pipkins, who by southern coast, all pointed to the necessity of keeping order of the commanding general, had been directed to do every officer at his post; and to the necessity too, of havso, on the 5th of December, for the purpose of proceeding the trials of the prisoners progressed with, that their ing with the trial, was convened under the following order. "ORDERS. The general court martial, of which col. Perkins has heen appointed president, will convenc at 11 o'clock on the 5th inst. at such quarters as the assistant dep. qr. master general may assign for that purpose. (Signed), M. ARBUCKLE, Lient. col. commanding." The following entry, consequent upon the preceding order, is taken from the official and original proceedings of the court, example might not prove of pernicious effect to others. Indeed, not a week elapsed before a British, fleet anchored off Cat Island; and in a few days thereafter, to wit, on the 14th of December, our gun boats on Lake Borne, near New Orleans, constituting our only marine defence in that quarter, were captured and destroyed. Even to this time the troops from East Tennessee and Georgia had not arrived. The regiment of colonel Pipkin constituted the principal reliance to garrison the posts and to hold in check the Creek Indians, who stood ready for revolt on the first appearance of a British force. These facts and circumstances go clearly to show that a greater number of officers could not have been spared from public service. Indeed, gen. Jackson had already departed from Mobile to New Orleans, so urgent did matters appear to him, and had confided the filling up the court to col. Pipkin. Towards the men The organizing this court martial was amongst the last composing his own regiment, col. Pipkin could feel no acts of gen. Jackson at this point: for on the day after it prejudice nor entertain a wish to deny them an impartial Issued, the 22d of November, he set out for the Missis-trial;-he must of had every disposition to afford such a sippi; on the 1st December reached New Orleans, where, court as would extend to them equal and impartial jusuntil the annunciation of peace, his head quarters were tice. continued. "The court met in pursuance of the preceding order, présent lieut. col. Perkins, president-major Wm. Stuart, capt. Jas. Blackmore, capt. Wm. McKay, and lieut. James Boyd, members-lieut. David Mitchell and ensign James H. Williams, supernumeraries.* The court proceeded in their examination of the prisoners, and the whole were disposed of. Six of the ringleaders, and principals of the mutiny, were found guilty and sentenced to death; the residue, to have their pay stopped and their heads shaved. Brigadier general Winchester at this time commanded at Mobile, nevertheless, the proceedings were sent to gen. Jackson, his superior, at New Orleans, for inspection and approval-by him the sentence, as to the six, was approved and ordered to be carried into effect, in four days after his approval should have been announced in general orders at Mobile-the others were pardoned and honorably discharged. 2d. OBJECTION. That no person can be sentenced to death but by the concurrence of two thirds of the court. To this objection, there is but one reply the sentence of the court, as the committee are advised, was altogether unanimous. On the ground, then, that the whole always includes a part, there must have been a concurrence of two thirds. 3d. OBJECTION. That it was a garrison or regimen tal court-martial, which by the rules and articles of war, had not the right and power to try for capital offences. It was neither the one nor the other; but as the language of the order imports-a GENERAL COURT MARTIAL. 4th OBJECTION. That peace had been restored-the mors of The above proceeding will show satisfactorily, that battle of the 8th January gained-all danger passed, and there was a general court martial, and not a "garrison or hence, there was no necessity for examples, or for enforePeace had not been restores. regimental one," as has been charged. It consisted of ing rigid and exact rules. the requisite and legal number to constitute a court; and what new point the enemy might strike, and when, was It is true, the battle of Orleans had been won; but at being composed of militia officers nothing of bias, or inaltogether uncertain. Indeed it was only on the 18th of Justice towards the prisoners can be imputed. It seems difficult to conceive, how any one could have mistaken January that the enemy abandoned the Mississippi; fort this for "a regimental garrison court martial," when, Boyer was assailed and captured on the 11th of Februa from the face of the order constituting the court, it is evi-y. It was not until the 10th of February, 1815, that rudent, it could be no other than a general court martial. New Orleans, through the medium of the enemy's fleet. peace were communicated to gen. Jackson at Under all the circumstances of the case, the court found For some time after the British had retired from New the prisoners guilty, while general Jackson did nothing Orleans, the commanding general, distrusting the intelli more than approve the proceedings; or in others words, to withhold the exercise of the pardoning power, which by tion lest an attack might be made at some unguarded gence of peace, was constrained to adopt every precanlaw rested with him. point and an advantage obtained. His anticipations were correct, for shortly afterwards, Mobile Point was assaile ed and carried. Surely, then, it was not a time when any thing of mating and desertion should have been encouraged through lenity on the part of the commanding general. OBJECTIONS. 1st. By some, it has been insisted, that the court was incompetent-that the number composing it should have been thirteen; and as it did not consist of this number, therefore it is maintained to have been illegally constituted, and consequently that its proceedings were void. Courts martial may consist of any nuinber of commissioned officers from 5 to 13, (see the 64th article of the rules and regulations of war), and such court will be legal. It should, though, consist of thirteen, where such number of officers can be had without injury to the public service; otherwise any number, not less than five, will answer-such is the law upon this subject. The committee state, as an indisputable matter of fact, that such was the pressure of the moment, and the scarcity of officers, that, even organized as the court was of 5th OBJECTION. The last objection taken which will be noticed, is, that those men were in service under, and in pursuance of the act of congress of 1795; and, that consequently, they could be detained only for a tour of three months service; and that to punish them was improper and against law. This argument is erroneous and untenable throughout, as will be shown: but for a moment, suppose it to be true as stated, the answer is, that admitting this to have been actually the case, that they were in service but for three months, it can no wise vary the question, as the mutinous acts charged on the prisoners, took place before the 20th In the first publication made by the committee, of September, and consequently before the expiration of through some error of the press, the names of two of three months from the 20th of June, at which time they the court, to wit, capt. McKay and lieut. Boyd, were were mustered into service. Even upon this growl omitted: also, captain Blackmore was miscalled Black-there was guilt. The mutiny, riot, and insubordination man. This mistake, however, was corrected in the Nashville Republican and State Gazette. complained of, being within the three months, the per o 1 for which, as it is said they were in service under the of 1795, constituted offences against the recognized laws of the country and were punishable. But it is not true, that those men were called into scrvice for three months. They were called upon and mustered for six months, rightfully and agreeably to law: and not only will this be made manifest by incontestible documents, but likewise, that they, themselves, were fully apprized that such was the fact. It is correct, as has been stated by those who object to the conduct of gen. Jackson, that in virtue of any power which the governor of a state can exercise, apart from the general government, militia can be ordered to the field and detained there but for three months: yet, in virtue of several acts of congress, the last of which was passed and approved on the 8th of April, 1814, the president of the United States was authorised to call into active service, the militia for any length of time, not exceeding six months. In pursuance of this authority, the president, by his proper organ, the secretary of war, empowered the governor of Tennessee to act in his stead in calling the militia into actual service, as will appear by the following section of the act of congress and letters from the secretary of war. "CHAPTER 139. An act in further addition to an act, entitled "an act more effectually to provide for the national defence by establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States." Section 8. And be it further enacted, That the militia when called into the service of the United States by virtue of the before recited act, may, if in the opinion of the president of the United States the public interest require it, be compelled to serve for a term not exceeding six months after their arrival at the place of rendezvous, in any one year." the governor as the president himself possessed in relation to calling out the militia; an order altogether necessary, that in future, the risk, danger, and trouble of distant communications might be avoided in times of sudden emergencies and imminent perils. That order placed within the discretion of the governor of the state the right and power of calling into service so many of the militia of the state, and for such lengths of time as he might think proper, not exceeding six months. The governor was authorized to “supply by militia drafts any deficiency which may arise;" suggesting, merely, that reference should be made to general Pinckney as to the number that might be considered necessary. Here, by way of better understanding, it may be proper to remark that at this time, general Jackson, being only in the militia, and not in the regular service, it was not for him to enquire what were the powers of governor Blount, as derived from the department of war. As an officer under the state, and such in fact he was until June, 1814, it was his duty to regard, and to obey the orders which were insued to him by governor Blount, and to draw from his divisions such numbers of men, and for such period of service as the order issued to him should direct, not exceeding six months. A force sufficient for the reduction of the hostile Creek Indians had been called to the field on the 3d of January, 1814, and which, about the middle of March, gave a finish to the war that had been waged against the Creeks: this circumstance rendered it unnecessary for the governor to act upon the order of general Armstrong, secretary of war, until the 28th of May, when in pursuance of directions from general Pinckney, a portion of the militia were called into service from gen. Jackson's division. Governor Blount's order to the ge neral bears date the 20th of May, 1814, and is in the following words: "War department, Jan. 11, 1814. "Nashville, May 20, 1814. "SIR. You are authorised to supply by militia drafts, Sir-In compliance with the requisition of major geneor by volunteers, any deficiency which may arise in the ral Thomas Pinckney, that the posts of fort Williams, militia divisions under the command of maj. gen. Jack-fort Strother, fort Armstrong, fort Ross and forts Old son, and without referring on this head, to this depart- and New Deposit, should be kept up, the doing of which he has confided to you, until the objects of the government in relation to the war against the hostile Creek Indians shall have been fully effected; and from the probable expiration of the time of service of the troops, now occupying those important posts, commanded by colonel Bunch, prior to a final accomplishment of the views of government, in relation to the Creek war, you will without delay, order out one thousand militia infantry of the 2d division, for the term of six months, unless sooner discharged by order of the president of the United States; or, you may accept a tender of service of the above number of volunteer infantry from the 2d division for the aforesaid term, for the purpose of garrisoning the said posts, at your option; which latitude in relation to calls for men to act against the Creeks in furtherance of the views of government in that behalf, is given to me by lustructions from the war department. Those troops will be commanded by an officer of the rank of colonel, and will be required to rendezvous at Fayetteville, on the 20th of June next; thence they will proceed to the above mentioned posts under your order, in such number to each, as you shall assign. It is important to the public interests that they should be at those posts between the 1st and 10th of July next, as about that time the term of service of the troops, now there, under colonel Bunch, will expire, and at which posts there is much public property committed to their charge. ment. It may be well, that your excellency consult general Pinckney on such occasions, as he can best judge of the whole number nccessary to the attainment of the public objects. J. ARMSTRONG." (Signed), (COPY.) "War department, January 31st, 1814. Sir:-I had the honor to receive your excellency's letter of the 5th inst. My letter of the 11th will have anticipated your enquiries relative to further detachments of militia. The attention of the paymaster of the army will be particularly directed to the payment of the troops who have been in service from Tennessee. I have the honor to be very respectfully, your excellency's most obedient servant, (Signed), J. ARMSTRONG," His excellency, W. BLOUNT, governor of Tennessee. "The above two letters are true copies from the files in my possesion. September, 20th, 1827. (Signed), WILLIE BLOUNT, Late governor of Tennesse." It was impracticable, situated as were the affairs of this country, during the war, that special and particular orders could be made out and forwarded to the governors of the respective states, ready, and calculated to meet every particular exigency that might arise in the progress of the war. Where the enemy night appear, and when; and hence, for what definite period of time, militia service might be required, were matters, so wholly dependent on the movements of the enemy, that the distance at which the general government was placed, rendered it expedient, and indeed indispensable, that something of enlarged and general powers should be confided to the state executives, and more particularly to the executive of Tennessee, which was far distant from the seat of the general government. For this reason, doubtless, and for none other, did president Madison cause the above order to be issued to Willie Blount, governor of the state of Tennes You will order the muster master to attend and muster the troops into service-you will call on the contractor for provisions, and on the assistant deputy quarter master likewise for supplies in his department. (Signed,) WILLIE BLOUNT." To major general Andrew Jackson, second division of Tennessee militia. From the facts here stated, these conclusions necessarily result; that Blount, acting as the governor of Tennessee, was authorised by the secretary of war, gen. Armstrong, without referring to that department, to take such measures for supplying the deficiencies in the militia, as to him might appear expedient and necessary. That in pursuance of this authority, one thousand men being wanted, an order was issued to general Jackson, then in the service of the state, to cause that number to be mustered from his division, into service, without delay, ed into service for six months; and that before the expiwhich was accordingly done; and they were placed un-ration of even three months, their acts of mutiny took der the command of colonel Pipkin. That Jackson, be-place.-All, therefore, that can be alleged against geneing major general of the militia in the state, could not en- ral Jackson, is simply, that having in his hands the power quire into the authority and power of governor Blount, to pardon, he did not consider the public interest and as derived from the department of war, even had it been public safety would be promoted by its exercise. This, imprudently exercised; he was bound to execute the or-alone, constitutes the only ground of censure against him, der if not consistent with law. and it is not a just ground for censure. For suffer But it is insisted, by some, that it is not material as to ing, or permitting the execution, he has been censured as the time for which the services of those men were re-a tyrant and an oppressor. It was the law, not the comquired that they were ignorant of the fact-that they believed themselves in service but for three months-and that this ignorance, and this misconception, should have operated in their favor. It is difficult to see the force of such an argument; or on any ground whatever, to justify its introduction. Every man of common sense knows that ignorance of the law, will not excuse its infraction. If such a rule did not exist, the good order and first principles of society would be unhinged, and every offender be ready with an ample and sufficient defence, for any outrage he might think proper to commit upon the rights of his neighbor. manding general, that consigned them to death. True, he could have granted pardon to the six, as he did to thost whose pay was ordered to be stopped and heads sentenced to be shaved; it is also true, that gen. Washington might have spared the life of the unfortunate, though guilty maj. Andre; yet he did not, for the reason that he thought the public good demanded the sacrifice. On the authority of gen. Reed, of Maryland, who was a captain in the revolutionary war, the country has been informed, that, acting under the positive orders of gen. Washington, without a trial of any sort, he caused a soldier to be shot who was taken in the act of desertion and sent his head to the camp of his general; that he was reprimanded by his superior officer because he had omitted to execute two others taken at the same time. No man acquainted with the character of Washington can impute to him a want of humane and generous feeling; neither can such an im putation rest against gen. Jackson. Both acted with a view to the great interests of the country; assuming the ground, which in times of war must ever be maintained, that sacrifices for the public weal are occasionally indispensable, and that at such moments it would be criminal arenay, moral treason, to the rest of the community to indulge in an excess of feeling. It is not a fact, however, that those troops were ignorant of the length of time for which they were engaged. It is a groundless assertion and has arisen, it is presumed, solely and entirely from the expression which was contained in a letter purporting to be written by Harris, one of the prisoners, to gen. Jackson-and which, as has been shown by the public prints, is altogether a forgery. No such letter was ever received from Harris; and no opinion as to the service being restricted to three months was then entertained. The offenders knew better; and as evidence of the fact, the proceedings of the court here again referred to. Extract from the court martial proceedings. "John Smith, fite major, sworn, states, that he never heard language used by the captain to his men, but to continue in service till the expiration of six months; and that it was highly improper to be breaking off, and that they would be punished if they went sooner." Six ringleaders and principals, out of two hundred, being by a legat court found guilty and condemned for mutiny, desertion, and outrage to public property, how could gen. Jackson have pardoned them and looked for order in his army afterwards?-The crisis was a trying one; a powerful British fleet and army were hovering "David Morrow, sergeant in capt. Strother's company, along our southern coast, able to land when and where being sworn, states, on the march between fort Jackson they pleased. In such a state of things, mutiny and deand Deposit, his captain asked him how long he expect-sertion, by all possible means, were to be guarded against ed to remain in service? to which he replied six months, as they were mustered for that time." and prevented. By what rule of reason, or with what propriety could gen. Jackson have punished any soldier Sergeant John D. Smith, being sworn, states for similar offences, if he had extended ardon and for"That he formerly belonged to capt. Smith's company giveness to larris and his associates? The country, his and was attached to capt. Strother's company at fort Wil-army, and himself, must have fallen victims to examples liams; marched under his command to fort Jackson and so dangerous-it would have been mistaken mercy! never head his captain say one word on the subject men- Believing that the objections repeatedly made are now tioned in the charges, but once when at fort Jackson, satisfactorily met and answered by a developement of the when the munity assumed a pretty high tone, he observ-facts attending the case, the committee offer this discloed, "Loys hush mutinying-stay until I go home, which sure with the annexed statements to the candid considewill be at the expiration of SIX MONTUS. ration of the public. JOHN OVERTON, Chairman of the Nashville committee. N. PATTERSON, Secretary. If these extracts taken from the proceedings of the court did not exist, it would be in no wise material; nor are they now material, except as going to show the opin ion which then prevailed. The order of governor Blount on this subject, requiring that they should be called out and mustered for six months, is of itself, sufficient to show the nature and extent of the service for which those troops were required, MR. MARKLEY'S LETTER. TO THE PUBLIC. Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Isacks, and major Eaton, have thought proper to bring my name before the public, as that of a person implicated, or in some way concerned, in an attempt to induce general Jackson to give a certain pledge, or pledges, as to a certain appointment it would be his duty to make in the event of his election as presi Governor Blount acted in this business under and by authority from the secretary of war, and gen. Jackson in calling out those men from his division, executed, as he was bound to do, the orders of gov. Blount. It has been objected, and by some of the late representatives in con-dent of the United States. One consequence of the pubgress from a sister state in their circular letters, that no lications of these gentlemen has been, that they have gi such authority had been given to governor Blount, and as ven rise to a torrent of abuse and calumny, which has a reason for such opinion it is alleged, that such an order been directed again. It is not, however, for the is not to be found among the records of Washington city." purpose of averting this lluted stream, or of noticing It occurs to the committee, that this is a very insufficient those who have cast into it their mite of slander, that I sit reason. The non-production of papers from the city of down. My object is of a higher nature; a desire to de Washington, should not be considered conclusive evi-myself justice, and, so far as my best recollection and dence that none such ever existed, for it is demonstrated conclusively in this case, that such an order was given by the secretary of war. If lost or mislaid, be it so-but het not its non-production be relied on as conclusive evidence to establish disputed facts; for that is in opposition to reason and right. judgment shall permit, to spread the truth, and the whole truth, before my fellow citizens. I do not hope, by any thing I can say, however satisfactory and conclusive, to propitiate any of my enemies, personal or political; nor shall I for that, or any other purpose, turn from a full and fair examination of such parts of the letters of the It appears then, that these men were guilty of extrava- gentlemen who have imposed upon me this unpleasant gant excesses of a violation of duty and of the laws of duty. As relates to myself, I could have wished to have the country. It appears too, that they were legally call-been spared this appeal, but it is no longer a matter of holding out the idea that in case he should be elected, Mr. Clay would probably be offered the situation of secretary of state, and that in case general Jackson was elected, he would appoint, or continue Mr. Adams choice. I might have been persuaded to permit the er-↑ ror, and inaccuracies of Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Isacks, arising from a waut of recollection, to pass unnoticed: and, from a desire to be at peace, I might even have been content to overlook their unkindness; but, when major Ea-cretary of state. I told Mr. Buchanan I thought such a to, on their showing, presumes to call me "the negotiator," in what he represents to be a corrupt transaction, am imperatively bound to speak, and I will speak that which I do know to be true. Let the blame and condemnation fall where it ought, where it is merited, but not on me. report was calculated to do the general a great deal of injury, and if it were not well founded, it ought to be contradicted; and mentioned further, that there was great plans bility in such reports, and their receiving credit, particularly that which represented general Jackson as having determined, if he should be elected, that he would continue Mr. A dams secretary of state, inasmuch as Mr. Adaras had been one of his ablest defenders and advocates in his report sustaining general Jackson against the charges which were preferred against him for his ennduct in relation to the Seminole war. If these were not motives sufficiently powerful, there is another which would determine me. An effort is making, by the use, and the abuse, of my name, to woun: the characters of some of our ablest and most exalted citizens, and by accusations which I believe to be unfounded, and in which, I am certain, I bore no part, Mr. Buchanan stated that he had written to, or receivt.. s.uk them in public estination; to cast them downed a letter from a mutual friend of ours in Pennsylvania, from the heights which they have honorably attained, on the subject of the presidential election, and cabinet and in the r places to put those whom I regard as having appointments, and that he had determined to call upon adopte principles, and avowing a determmation to pur- the general himself, or to get major Faton to mention sue a course of policy, which I have no doubt would to him the reports that were in circulation, and obtain, greatly effect the prosperity and happiness of the state of if he could, a contradiction of them. Mr. B. also asked Pennsylvania, and of the whole union. if i had seen Mr. Clay, and whether I had had any conThat I was originally friendly to the election of gen. versation with him, touching the presidential election. I Jackson to the presidency, I do not deny. My feelings replied that I had seen him in the house, but had had no of gratitude towards him for his military services to his conversation with him on that subject, but said I was country remain, and ever shall remain, unchanged. I anxious to get an opportunity to have a conversation with voted for him in the democratic caucus of 1824. As a him, as I felt a great anxiety that he should vote with representative of Pennsylvania, I subsequently not only Pennsylvania. Mr. Buchanan replied that no one felt gave him my vote, but used my best exertions, by every more anxious, for various reasons, than he did himself; fair and honorable means, to promote his election to the that it was important, not only as it regarded the success presidential chair. The united exertions of his friends of general Jackson's election that Mr. Clay should go having failed to effect his election, I was not one of those with Pennsylvania, but on account of his ulterior politi who felt it a duty, or thought it proper, immediately to cal prospects: declaring that he (Mr. B.) hoped one day unfurl the standard of opposition without knowing the to see Mr. Clay president of the United States, and that principles and the policy of the men who were to be call-was another reason why he should like to see him secre ed to assist in administering the government of the un-tary of state in ease general Jackson was elected; and ion:-because I had been defeated, by a constitutional ma- that if he was certain that Mr. Clay's views were favorajority of the states, in my desire to have gen. Jackson bie to general Jackson's election, he would take an opelected, it did not seem to me that I was called upon to portunity of talking to the general on the subject, or to resist, embarrass and overthrow the administration, whe-get Mr. Eaton to do so; that he thought by doing so he ther it should be right or wrong. I thought it my duty as a representative of the people, and as a citizen, patiently to wait and see what would be the general character of Mr Adams's administration, and what would be the complexion of his cabinet. would confer a particular benefit on his country, and that he could see nothing wrong in it. Mr. Buchanan urged me to use no delay in seeing Mr. Clay. I told him l would, and aceorlingly called upon Mr. Clay at his boarding house, I think the evening after this conversaWhen I ascertained that he had taken to his aid such tion, but he was not at his lodgings. I called to see him able and experienced advisers as Mr. Clay, Mr. Rush, again, but he had some of his friends with him; I had Mr. Southard and Mr. Barbour, men identified with the no opportunity of conversing with him, nor had I ever republican institutions of our country, in peace and in any conversation with him until the evening of the 10th war; men who had enjoyed the confidence of the repub- or 11th of January, prior to my leaving Washington for lican administrations of Mr. Jefferson, Mir. Madison and Pennsylvania to attend the courts in Montgomery counMr. Monroe; men who had long acted, and were incor- ty. The conversation I then had with him was of a very porated with, the great democratic family of the union, I general character; no mention was made of cabinet apdid not feel myself at liberty to doubt what would be the pointments, and I did not ascertain which of the candicharacter and policy of Mr. Adams's administration. I dates Mr. Clay would support. I have no recollection considered that in these appointments, a pledge was given of any thing being said in the conversation with Mr. Buto the nation, that the policy which had been pursued chanan about the friends of Mr. Clay moving in concert under former administrations would be pursued under at the election; I however distinctly recollect that we the present. I determined, therefore, that as a repre- both expressed an anxious hope that the west would not sentative of the people, and as one of the people, I separate from Pennsylvania.-I have no recollection would not permit my partialities, my disappointments, whatever of having urged Mr. B. to see gen. Jackson, or my prejudices, to get the better of my judginent and although I concurred in the propriety of his suggestion patriotism, but that I would judge the administration by that he should call to see him; nor have I the faintest reits measures. If it continued to support and sustain collection of any thing being said about fighting Mr. those that sustained a system which promotes national Adams's friends with their own weapons. If any such prosperity, American manufactures, internal improve-expressions were used, I am very certain it was not by ments and commerce; and to cherish peace, and admin-me. From the recollection I have of the conversation to ister the government with a due regard to economy, it should receive my cordial and hearty support. The latter end of Decmber, 1824, I believe, but cannot with absolute certainty say it was on the 30th, my friend, Mr. Buchanan, called to see me in the evening at my boarding house. I happened to be alone in my room: he sat with me a considerable length of time; our conversation turned, principally, on the then pending presidential election. Mr. B. commenced, by stating that he felt great solicitude for the election of general Jackson, and that his friends should use every honorable means to promote it; to which I replied, that I heartily united with im in opinion. Mr. Buchanan adverted to the rumors winch were adoat, that the friends of Mr. Adams were which Mr. Buchanan has reference, in his letter to the public, of the 8th of August last, my impressions are, that the object of his visit that evening, was to urge the propriety of my seeing Mr. Clay, and to give him my views as to the importance of his identifying himself with Pennsylvania in support of gey. Jackson. I entertained no doubt that Mr. Buchanan was honestly determined that no exertions on his part should be wanting, and tirat he felt confident he could speak with certainty as to the great mass of gen. Jackson's friends, that, in case of the election of gen. Jackson, they would press upon him the appointment of Mr. Clay as secretary of state. Mr. Buchanan concurred with me in opinion that Pennsylvania would preter Mr. Clay's appointment th |