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being such a claim on the part of a Mr. Hunt, a Consul of Belgium, at St. Louis :

It is officially announced by the State Department that citizens of the United States holding commissions and recognized as Consuls of foreign powers, are not by law exempt from military service if drafted:

Therefore the mere enrolment of a citizen holding a foreign consulate will not be held to vacate his commission, but if he shall be drafted his exequatur will be revoked unless he shall have previously resigned in order that another consul may be received.

An exequatur bearing date the 3d day of May, 1858, having been issued to Charles Hunt, a citizen of the United States, recognizing him as a Consul of Belgium for St. Louis, Missouri, and declaring him free to exercise and enjoy such functions, powers, and privileges as are allowed to the consuls of the most favored nations in the United States, and the said Hunt having sought to screen himself from his military duty to his country, in consequence of thus being invested with the consular functions of a foreign power in the United States, it is deemed advisable that the said Charles Hunt should no longer be permitted to continue in the exercise of said functions, powers, and privileges.

These are therefore to declare that I no longer recognize the said Hunt as Consul of Belgium, for St. Louis, Missouri, and will not permit him to exercise or enjoy any of the functions, powers, or privileges allowed to consuls of that nation, and that I do hereby wholly revoke and annul the said exequatur heretofore given, and do declare the same to be absolutely null and void from this day forward.

In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made patent, and the seal of the United States of America to be hereunto affixed. Given under my hand at Washington, this 19th day of May, in the year of

our Lord 1864, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By the President:

William H. Seward, Secretary of State. Recruiting under the order of March 15th continued to progress, but not with sufficient rápidity. On the 23d of April, the Governors of Wisconsin, Iowa, Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio tendered to the Government a force of one hundred thousand men from those States, to serve for. one hundred days. The proposition was accepted, and on recommendation of the Secretary of War, Congress voted twenty-five million dollars to defray the expensesthe resolution being passed without debate, and by almost unanimous consent.

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THE proclamation which accompanied the Annual Message of the President for 1864 embodied the first suggestions of the Administration on the important subject of reconstructing the Governments of those States which had joined in the secession movement. The matter had been canvassed somewhat extensively by the public press, and by prominent politicians, in anticipation of the overthrow of the rebellion, and the view taken of the subject had been determined, to a very considerable extent, by the sentiments and opinions of the different parties as to the object and purpose of the war. The supporters of the Administration did not all hold precisely the same ground on this subject. As has already been seen, in the debates of the Congress of 1862–3, a considerable number of the friends of the Government, in both houses, maintained that, by the act of secession, the revolted States had put themselves outside the pale of the Constitution, and were henceforth to be regarded and treated, not as members of the Union, but as alien enemies : *-that their State organ.

* President Lincoln's view of this position is stated in the following note allo dressed by him to the publishers of the North American Review, which contained an article upon his policy of administration :


"GENTLEMEN :—The number for this month and year of the Nerth American Reviero wus daly received, and for which please accept my thanks. Of course I am not the most impartial judge ; yet, with due allowance for this, I vonturo to hope that the article entitled "The Presi.

izations and State boundaries had been expunged by their own act; and that they were to be readmitted to the jurisdiction of the Constitution, and to the privileges of the Union, only upon such terms and conditions as the Federal Government of the loyal States might prescribe. On the other hand, it was held that the acts of secession, passed by the several State Governments, were absolutely null and void, and that while the persons who passed them, and those who aided in giving them effect, by taking up arms against the United States, had rendered themselves liable individually to the penalties of treason, they had not, in any respect, changed the relations of their States, as such, to the Federal Government. The governments of those States had been for a time subverted ; but they might at any time be re-established upon a republican basis, under the authority and protection of the United States. The proclamation proceeded, in the main, upon the latter theory. The President had the power, under the Constitution, and by specific legislation of Congress, to grant pardons upon such conditions as he might deem expedient. In the exercise of this power, President Lincoln released from legal penalties and restored to the rights of citizenship all, in each State, with

dent's Policy' will be of value to the country. I fear I am not worthy of all which is theroin kindly said of me personally.

“The sentence of twelve lines, commencing at the top of page 252, I could wish to be not exactly what it is. In what is there expressed, the writer bas not correctly understood me. I have never had a theory that secession could absolve States or people from their obligations. Precisely the contrary is asserted in the inangaral address; and it was because of my belief in the continuation of those obligations that I was puzzled, for a time, as to denying the legal rights of those citizens who remained individually innocent of treason or rebellion. But I mean 10 more now than to merely call attention to this point

"Yours respectfully,

"A. LINCOLN." The sentence referred to by Mr. Lincoln is as follows:* Even so long ago as when Mr. Lincoln, not yet convinced of the danger and magnitude of the crisis, was endeavoring to persuade himself of Union majorities at the South, and carry on s war that was half peace, in the hope of a peace that would have been all war, while he was still enforcing the Fugitive Slave law, under some theory that sccession, however it might ab. solve Statos from their obligations, could not escheat them of their claims under the Constitution, and that slaveholders in rebellion had alone, among mortals, the privilege of having their. ako lod cating it at the same time,-the enemies of free government were striving to persuade the people that the war was an abolition crasade. To rebel without reason was prurlaimed as wo of the rights of man, while it was carefully kept uut of sight that to suppress rebellion is Who Arst duty of government."

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certain specified exceptions, who should take and abide by a prescribed oath; and then he proclaimed his pur pose to recognize them as the citizens of such State, and as alone competent to organize and carry on the local government, and he pledged the power of the General Government to protect such republican State Governments as they might establish, “against invasion, and against aomestic violence." By way of precaution against a usurpation of power by strangers, he insisted on the same qualifications for voting as had been required by the constitution and laws of the State previous to secession :and to provide against usurpation of power by an insig. nificant minority, he also required that the new government should be elected by at least one-tenth as many voters as had voted in the State at the Presidential election of 1860. In the oath which he imposed as essential to citizenship, the President required a pledge to sustain the Constitution of the United States, the laws of Congress, and the Executive proclamations and acts on the subject of slavery, so long and so far as the same should not be declared invalid and of no binding obligation by the Supreme Court of the United States. These were the foundations of the broad and substantial basis laid by the President for the restoration of the Union, and the re-establishment of loyal republican governments in the sey. eral seceded States.

Various indications in the Southern States had satisfied the President that the time had come when the work of reconstruction might safely and wisely be thus commenced. In Tennessee, where the rebels had never maintained any permanent foothold, but where the Government at Washington had found it necessary to commit the local authority to Andrew Johnson, as Provisional Governor, there had been a very strong party in favor of restoring the State to its former position as a member of the Federal Union. But in Louisiana the movements in the same direction had been earlier and more decided than in any other Southern State. The occupation of New Orleans by the National forces, and the advent of General Butler

as commander of that Military Department, on the 1st of May, 1862, speedily satisfied a very considerable portion of the inhabitants, who had property at stake in the city and State, that the rebel authority could never be restored.

There were, however, even among professed Unionists, many who devoted their time and energy rather to carping at the measures which the Government felt itself called upon to pursue, and to the promotion and adoption of their individual views, than to cordial co-operation with the President in his efforts to re-establish the forms of civil government upon a proper basis. It was in answer to such a complaint that the President wrote the following letter :

WASHINGTON, D, C., July 28, 1862 OUTHBERT BULLITT, Esq., New Orleans, La. :

Sir :—The copy of a letter addressed to yourself by Mr. Thomas J. Durant has been shown to me. The writer appears to be an able, a dispassion. ate, and an entirely sincere may. The first part of the letter is devoted to an effort to show that the secession ordinance of Louisiana was adopted against the will of the majority of the people. This is probably true, and in that fact may be found some instruction. Why did they allow the ordinance to go into effect? Why did they not exert themselves? Why stand passive and allow themselves to be trodden down by a minority? Why did they not hold popular meetings, and have a convention of their own to express and enforce the true sentiments of the State? If pre-organization was against them, then why not do this now that the United States army is present to protect them? The paralyzer—the dead palsy -of the Government in the whole struggle is, that this class of men will do nothing for the Government—nothing for themselves, except demanding that the Government shall not strike its enemies, lest they be struck by accident.

Mr. Durant complains that, in various ways, the relation of master and slave is disturbed by the presence of our army; and he considers it particularly vexatious that this, in part, is done under cover of an act of Congress, while constitutional guarantees are superseded on the plea of military necessity. The truth is, that what is done and omitted about slaves is done and omitted on the same military necessity. It is a military neces sity to have men and money ; and we cannot get either, in sufficient numbers or amounts, if we keep from or drive from our lines slaves coming to them.

Mr. Durant cannot be ignorant of the pressure in this direction, nor of my efforts to hold it within bounds, till he, and such as he, shall have timo to help themselves.

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