and your authority contemned. In their name I demand that a provision commensurate with the evil be made, and which will be calculated to deter others from any future attempt to introduce the reign of terror into our country. In addressing you in the plain language of man, I give you, Sir, the best proof that I can afford, of the estimation in which I hold your office, and your understanding; and I assure you with truth, that I am, with respect, your fellow-citizen,

JOHN RANDOLPH, Jun.

"To the President of the

"United States."

Mr. Adams, upon receiving the above, inclosed it with the following message to the House of Representatives:

"Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, "As the inclosed letter, from a member of your house, received by me in the night of Saturday the 11th instant, relates to the privileges of the house, which, in my opinion, ought to be enquired into in the house itself, if any where, I have thought proper to submit the whole letter, and its tendencies, to your consideration, without any other comments on its matter or style.

"But as no gross impropriety of conduct, on the part of persons holding commissions in the army or navy of the United States, ought to pass without due animadversion, I have directed the Secretary of War, and the Secretary of the Navy, to investigate the conduct complained of, and to report to

me, without delay, such a statement of facts as will enable me to decide on the course, which duty and justice shall appear to prescribe.

"United States, "14th Jan. 1800."

Mr. Kittera moved, when the message was received, that it, and the letter accompanying it, be referred to a select committee.

Mr. Randolph hoped it would not. It was far from his expectations, he said, when he addressed the letter now before the house, to the President, that it would have been made the subject of a communication. Had he thought the house could have remedied the abuse complained of, he would have entered his complaint here; but he did not conceive it within their jurisdiction; and he was opposed to it as being a bad precedent, which might, at some future period, be prostituted to purposes injurious to the country. The power of the commander in chief of the army, in his opinion, was sufficient to afford a remedy, and to restrain men under his command from giving personal abuse and insult; and he, therefore, disclaimed any wish that the house should take measures for his protection.

The voice of the house appeared to be unanimous for the commitment, and several members expressed an opinion, that the President, in submitting the subject to the house, had acted judiciously, it being a question on which he could not, dare not decide....it was a constitutional prerogative

vested in that house alone, and that house, after having a statement of facts, were to be the sole judges of them. The wish of the complainant to suspend enquiry, ought not to have any weight, for if a member was to be insulted for language made use of in debate, there was an end to all legislation, and they might as well return to their homes at once. The question for commitment was put and carried, and Mr. C. Goodrich, Mr. Macon, Mr. Kittera, Mr. Sewall, Mr. Robert Williams, and Mr. Bayard were appointed.

This committee, upon a review of the evidence produced before them, found that sufficient cause did not appear for the interposition of the house, on the grounds of a breach of privilege.

Thus was a most unwarranted insult offered to a representative, passed over with impunity. The conduct of Mr. Adams on this occasion, was highly censurable. In him properly was vested the power of checking the arrogant insolence of military puppies, who dare to assume, in a free country, that authority which is only suffered in the dominions of despotism.

No cause has tended more to reflect disgrace on the profession of arms, than the modern practice of investing with command a beardless boy, without either education or experience, and whose only pursuits in life have been passed in the bed-charber of an indulgent mother. This practice is more prevalent in Britain than in any country of Europe. One half of the officers who command the

armies of George, are drawn at the age of twelve and thirteen, from the mountains of Caledonia, ignorant of every art in life, but that of procuring the food which their barren vallies afford, and of paying an implicit obedience to a tyrant chieftain equally destitute of understanding as the soil which gave him birth.

Among many other absurd usages, this is one which America has borrowed from her mother country; for of all the classes of citizens in the United States, the officers of the navy appear in general to be most removed from the state of science and literature....I make not this remark to detract from their bravery. This qualification they certainly possess in an equal degree with any nation of the world; but it ought to be remembered, that courage, though an essential, constitutes but a small part of the requisite education of a modern soldier. In a republic, in particular, the study of military and naval tactics ought to be cultivated with the greatest zeal, and the morals of the young soldier guarded with the strict eye of virtue and religion. No man is to be so much respected as the soldier who understands his profession, defends the rights of his country, and adores his creator; while no miscreant ought to be held in such contempt as the livery bravado, who knows neither the respect due to his country or to his God.

Both Houses of Congress rose upon the 4th of May, after passing the following acts:

1. An act for reviving and continuiug suits and proceedings in the circuit court for the district of Pennsylvania.

2. An act extending the privilege of franking to William Henry Harrison, the delegate from the Territory of the United States, North West of the Ohio; and making provision for his compensation.

3. An act supplementary to the act, intitled, "An act to provide for the valuation of lands and dwelling houses, and the enumeration of slaves, within the United States."

4. An act for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt.

5. An act for the preservation of peace with the Indian tribes.

6. An act to repeal part of an act, intitled, "An act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures, penalties and disabilities, accruing in certain cases therein mentioned, and to continue in force the residue of the same."

7. An act for the relief of John Vaughan.

8. An act giving further time to the holders of military warrants, to register and locate the same.

9. An act to suspend in part an act, intitled, "An act to augment the army of the United States, and for other purposes."

10. An act further to suspend the commercial intercourse between the United States and France, and the dependencies thereof.

11. An act for the relief of James Yard.