under the control of parliament, nor of a less insidious tendency, because they bore the innocent name of clubs [Hear, hear!]. On this head he concurred in the opinion of an illustrious naval commander (Earl St. Vincent) as to the nature of these institutions, who had not only refused his assistance in promoting their formation, but had expresed his abhorrence of them as being un-English and hostile to the spirit of our free constitution. The right hon. gentleman had said, that the treatment which was recommended towards the army was ungrateful-that it was laudandus, ornandus, and tollendus. He (Mr. Brougham) joined in the praises which had been bestowed on the armynot from empty wonder and groundless admiration, but because they had done real service to the country, and he did not therefore wish that they should be perverted to our destruction. He would join to praise their triumphs, and raise altars or pillars to record them-but he would also disband them, that they might not be as fatal to England as they had been to Buonaparté. It had been said, that we had long kept up a great army in safety. An army in time of war could not be constitutionally mischievous; it was abroad and in activity, for ends beneficial to the country: but bring it home, let it be in this island at the direction of the executive; even if it should be under the command of officers as pure and incorruptible as it was possible to conceive, still they were men-men in a state of subordination and allegiance, not to parliament, but to another power, and might be employed by that power either against the parliament or the people. The right hon. gentleman had asked whether it could be supposed that the gentlemen of England, the officers of that army would turn their arms against their country? If such an appeal had been made in former times, with what scorn and indignation would it have been treated? [Hear, hear!] Could the right hon. gentleman who was so well versed in constitutional knowledge, and whose family had borne so distinguished a part in the constitutional history of this country, advance such a doctrine? Let him imagine that in former times it had been said that the army was under the command of lord Cadogan and lord Peterborough, the very pillars of the constitution, and that therefore it could not be turned against the people :-Would it not have been then said, that as long as sol diers were subordinate to the Crown the parliament was bound not to maintain one man more than were absolutely necessary to the safety of the country. The right hon. gentleman had quoted the preamble of the bill of rights to show that if parliament passed a law for the maintenance of an army in the time of peace, the measure would not be illegal. This was true enough; but did it prove that an army was necessary in time of peace, or that it was not altogether contrary to the spirit of the bill of rights, and of all the enactments and rules for the maintenance of our military force, that any men should be maintained who were not absolutely necessary to our safety, because during peace that force must be at home, and could not act but in a Mr. manner hostile to our constitution? The peace establishment of Mr. Fox had been cited by the right hon. gentleman, not because he had any wish to follow the precepts or principles of that great man, but as a species of argumentum ad hominem, in which reasoners of the right hon. gentleman's stamp much delighted. Fox in 1784, had proposed to the House a peace establishment of 50,000 men, under the circumstances of the country at that time; that is to say, just one third of the present establishment. How then, were the remaining 90,000 men accounted for? It was said there had been a great increase in our population. On this principle, every increase of our population was supposed to be an increase of our weakness, and an additional source of disturbance. And we were to decide by the rule of three, that if with 8 millions of people we required 50,000 soldiers, with 15 millions we required nearly twice as many! But the fact was, that in 1784, the country was much more disturbed than at present; and could any man for a moment attempt to say, that as to external danger there was any comparison between that time and this? In 1784 we had concluded a war of which it was hard to say whether it had failed most in Europe or America, and at that epoch so pregnant with danger, lord North and Mr. Fox had proposed an establishment of 50,000 men; but in the present halcyon days of peace, three times that number was demanded. Of that year the whole expense was 7,821,000l.; and of 1787, which, as to tranquillity, was nearer on a level with the present, it was 4,891,000l. instead of 20 or 21 millions. It was worthy of notice in how ingenious a manner the کو ministers had contrived to fritter away questions of the greatest national importance. Instead of general debates as to the policy of the country, which they always deprecated, they took at once some one "feature," as it was called, of that policy. On Monday last the treaties were debated, and that debate having passed by, all that was then decided was held to be gospel the House was estopped from calling it in question, and the 30,000 men to be maintained in France were held to be absolutely decreed. This night the military establishment was the "feature," and on some future night it will be the property tax. I," said Mr. Brougham, will not disjoin one feature from another; they are all in harmony-they have all the same expression-they are parts of the same face they all look one way-all look against the constitution, and form neither more nor less than the visage of a military monarchy." [Hear, hear!] This division of our policy into features, he continued to say, had many incidental advantages; they were that night told of a black spot in the horizon-not a word of this in the debate on the treaties! If in that debate a man had suggested that there was a spot even as big as a man's hand, he would have been denounced as nothing less than a false and malignant prophet; all was then bright and beaming with gay prospects of everlasting peace. But now, on the question of military establishments, forth came the volunteer minister with his war-office speech, declaring that nothing but black spots were to be seen, which would soon gather into clouds, and discharge their vengeance on our heads. Now, as to the 30,000 men in France; though he and his friends had objected to them on grounds of foreign policy, they were not constitutionally so dangerous as the troops which were to remain at home, although he was convinced that these troops would not be entirely paid by the French government, and would be provided for in part in the army extraordinaries. Neither was the force in the colonies, though it involved such an alarming extent of influence, dangerous in that double degree to the constitution, as the force in this country and Ireland. This colonial force had been increased in a manner quite inexcusable. For the West Indies and Canada 23,000 men were to be kept up-a number far beyond the establishment of any former period. Whence arose the additional danger? Was France Was our more formidable than in 1784? uncontested maritime superiority of no avail to the safety of our colonies? Or did they require three times as many men to defend them as at a period when we had suffered defeats by land and drawn battles at sea? The more the calculation was followed up, the less would the proposers of this unexampled establishment gain by the scrutiny; and they would gladly resort to general arguments and the visions of remote danger drawn from the military spirit of Europe. If we might apprehend danger from this spirit at some future time, a plain man would ask, why we should not wait a few years, and save ourselves and our resources till the danger manifested itself. It was evident that the results of the last victory had been such, in the dismemberment of France, that though that country had the wish to revenge itself, and though we could not trust either its monarch or his family, the state of Europe and the aggrandisement of our own military character left us less to fear from our natural enemy (as France had been called), than at any time since the revolution of 1688, or even long before that epoch. And this was the moment when it proposed to establish a perpetual military force which had never been contemplated when all Europe was leagued against us, not even at times when war was actually raging! It was a fact as to which the right hon. gen tleman might satisfy himself by figures, to which he loved so well to refer, that in the seven years war, when we defeated France in all quarters of the globe, our military force was not half that which was now proposed as a peace establishment. [Hear, hear!] But they were told it was a chimera to suppose that an army could be dangerous to the constitution; that an army was the most innocent and harmless of all establishments. Without inquiring into all the ways in which an army might be injurious to the constitution, was it not enough to prove the danger, that it bore with it an immense system of influence, which was not the less injurious to the interests of the people, or less fatal to the constitution, because it was not in the hands of a responsible minister who might be questioned day by day in that House (though questions of late had not been answered), but in the hands of a person intimately connected both by interest and blood, with a power which was neither Lords nor Comiñons, nor Cabinet, but the Crown itself? [Hear, hear!] Was there provoked him to enter his protest against no danger to be apprehended from the those principles, and endeavour to recall traffic which might possibly take place to the House the feelings of better times. between the Crown and powerful indivi. He hoped the House would not be led duals, who in return for commissions away by illusory details and items, which might engage their families to serve the might be multiplied at pleasure, from the monarch politically, and themselves to view of the sudden and groundless extenserve him military? [Hear, hear!] But sion which was meditated of the influence to warrant this tremendous danger to our of the Crown, against which the efforts of liberties and constitution, the plea was, the House and the people should be dithat there had been a change in the coun⚫ rected. He had not said one word about try; that our arsenals, depôts, and dock- the property tax, because that was a quesyards were larger; and that unless we tion perfectly separate from the question would lay open these establishments, and of the increase of the army. If the House allow the rabble to break in and steal, we agreed to maintain establishments which must increase our military force. Now, were inconsistent with the liberty of the was it that these arsenals contained more country-if they consented to change the stores than formerly-that the quantity of whole form of the constitution which was hemp, and anchors, and masts had so in- founded on the predominance of the civil creased, that by a view of these very port- power, great as the question which then able and alluring stores the people would remained undoubtedly was-namely, whe be beyond all measure enamoured, and ther the people should be ground in their would not, without military interference, property, after having been stripped of be restrained from the indulgence of their their rights; yet, compared with the conlarcenous propensities? And was it from stitutional question, it was trifling and subthe great quantity of old iron, that we ordinate. The House, once for all, should were to have an army of 150,000 men? make a stand against the ruin of the conHe could scarcely believe that he had stitution. And he would intreat and imheard it. Was it that the buildings were plore the noble lord and his colleagues, larger, and that it would be more easy to that they would not be led away by their break into a great house than a small one? majorities. The people, who had someIn time of war, he granted, or in the event times supported them in measures of which of insurrection of his majesty's loving sub- they had since bitterly repented, were rejects, of whose universal happiness they solved, now the war was at an end, and had heard in the speech from the throne the plea of necessity-the plea so often (though they had that night received used when right was opposed to might twenty-six petitions from a small district), could not be advanced, to be deprived of if it was said there was a danger of insur- their rights no longer. He implored the rection, and that the garrison of Plymouth noble lord and his colleagues that they had been increased in extent, additional would not bring the matter to a closer force might be necessary. But against issue. A voice was raised in the country midnight depredators, or the chimera of which, if government persevered in meapopular insurrection, a smaller force would sures of such unparalleled magnitude and be sufficient. And he hoped the right expense, would be heard from all quarters, hon. gentleman who spoke last would not he trusted, in terms humble and respectsuffer himself to be led astray by any ab- ful to parliament; but of a character so stract view of nocturnal depredations, or decided, that he hoped even the cool couthe portability of sheet anchors, but would rage of the noble lord would not dare to follow his natural good sense, and those resist. If there were any able and honest practical notions of the nature of man, counsellors of the Crown, he knew the which he had recommended to those who advice which they ought humbly to offer. made reflections on courts and courtiers. He would presume to suggest the sort of -Mr. Brougham said, that he had, per- language which such a minister would use haps, wasted more time than they de- to the throne. He would say to his royal served on the propositions which had that master, that this was not a country in night been advanced, but the unwarrant which the constitutional system and habits able principles, and the cool talk of the were to be encroached upon by the prejuright hon. gentleman, as to the bugbear dices, tastes, or views of a military monarch; of a standing army which had frightened that the present royal family reigned in this the opposition side of the House, had country in consequence of the expulsion of force intended to be kept up for the service of Ireland, he should not trouble the House with any details upon it, because he was sure his right hon. friend, the secretary for Ireland, was much better qualified to enter into all the necessary explanations when that part of the subject came regularly before the House. At the same time, however, he could not help observing, that the governments of the two countries were bound together by the closest reciprocal interests; that whatever compromised the safety of the one compromised also the safety of the other; and that it became the duty of both to take care, when ma a former reigning family, who endeavoured to govern contrary to the laws; that this country was England, and not Germany. He would say, that whatever prince would indulge himself in costly military gewgaws, in whiskered hussars, and the parade of foreign uniforms, who would make a plaything of an army to amuse himself and his family with, at the expense of the constitution of the country, he must not seek for this in England. [Hear, hear!]. This honest counsellor, if such there be, would seek to allay the military mania which prevailed, and if it had reached England, and was to be found in a certain quarter, would use his efforts to root it out, as agistrates were acting, at the peril of their malady fatal to the liberties and true glory of the country. lives and fortunes, in the discharge of their functions, that they were adequately protected. It could not be denied that the state of that country was such as made it impossible to apply the same general principles of policy or of constitutional practice, with respect to the military force to be maintained there, as might be applied in other cases. If the legislature expected the laws to be obeyed, it became its duty to protect the persons and property of those upon whom devolved the execution of those laws. Lord Palmerston began by observing, that the hon. and learned gentleman had made an accusation against him, which he certainly could not retort upon that hon. gentleman himself, namely; that he very seldom troubled the House with his observations. With respect to the general and declamatory manner in which the question had been argued, leaving wholly out of view the real point of discussion, he should not be tempted by the example which had been set, to imitate it, but should ra- In adverting to the other quotas of the ther feel it his duty to abstain from all rea- public service, he should beg leave to take sonings upon the constitutional and politi- the colonial question first, and to comcal character of a standing army in a time mence with our old colonies, Gibraltar, of peace, and to confine his remarks to our North American possessions, Jamaica, the nature and extent of the proposed es- and the old Leeward Islands. The whole timates. He adopted that course, not be- amount of force employed on those sevecause he conceived the arguments of the ral stations in 1791 was 16,780; and that hon. gentlemen opposite unanswerable, which it was now proposed to employ but because the present moment was not would be 23,800, being an increase of the fit and appropriate occasion for about 7000 men. With regard to what going into them. The aggregate amount had fallen from an hon. gentleman who of military force which it was intended spoke early in the debate (Mr. Frankland to keep up (exclusively of the Indian Lewis), respecting the strength of the army and the army of occupation in garrison of Gibraltar in 1791, he appreFrance, neither of which armies was hended he was under some mistake upon chargeable to this country), was 99,000 that point, for, from the inquiries which men, and that force might very fairly be he had made upon the subject, he believed divided under four different heads, accord- it would be found that a larger force than ing to its application, namely, Great Bri- 4000 men had been usually kept up there. tain, Ireland, our old colonies, and our It was not intended, however, to have a new colonies. By our new colonies he garrison exceeding that number at prewished to be understood as meaning those sent; and when it was considered how which we had conquered since the years greatly the works and defences of that 1791 and 1792. For the service of Great fortress were augmented, and how much, Britain there was to be an establishment of in consequence, the military duties of the 25,000 men: for Ireland, a like number; place were increased, he did not think for our old colonies, 23,800; for our new that 4000 men could fairly be considered colonies, 22,200; and 3000 for reliefs to as a disproportionate number. With rebe afforded, from time to time, to our co-spect to our North American possessions, lonial garrisons. With respect to the including the Bahamas, the force main To insist upon incursion of an enemy. tained in them in 1791 was 5600, and that now proposed to be maintained was 9500, being an increase of only 3900. There were many circumstances, both in the internal and external condition of our North American possessions, which required that increase. It was required, as a defence for our increasing population, and not to be employed against that population. He would remind the House also, that the province of Upper Canada had been almost entirely peopled and settled since the period referred to as the point of comparison by which we were to judge of the present necessity for so large a peace He should next advert to the island of establishment. The rapid accumulation of Jamaica. In 1791 the force stationed capital, the augmentation of buildings, and there amounted to about 1800 or 2000 the extended cultivation of that province men; now, it was proposed to be as highr were, all of them, sufficient grounds for as 4000. And with respect to that augrequiring a larger military force. In point mentation of force, the same arguments of fact, the axe and the spade of the set- which he had used to justify the increased tlers had acted as pioneers in aiding the force for our North American possessions hostile approaches of our external enemy. would be equally applicable here. The He was far from meaning to insinuate (and cultivation and increase of the military and he anxiously entreated that no such inter- naval character of the United States, was pretation should be put upon his words), a just and legitimate ground for enlarging that any fears existed as to the permanency our own means of defence; for if, by any of that amity and good understanding misfortune, which he should most sincerely which now so happily subsisted between lament, we were to be suddenly involved this country and the United States of in a war with that government, could it America; he hoped, and indeed he be- be doubted, that their first efforts would lieved, that both countries had discovered be directed against our North American that peace was productive of reciprocal colonies and our West Indian islands. benefits to them; that both had much With regard to Jamaica, however, he was which they might lose by war, and much willing to refer, as a criterion by which to which they might gain by peace. But judge of the military force necessary for its still, as a measure of political prudence, it protection, to the opinions entertained by was always wise to calculate upon the pos- the inhabitants of that island themselves, sibility of aggression and hostilities; and which would be found to sanction not only he would venture to lay it down as a gene- the extent contemplated by the governral principle, that there were no better ment, but even a much larger one. In means for securing the continuance of point of expense, indeed, it would be easy peace and tranquillity to any country, than to prove that it was ultimately much to have it known that any possessions in cheaper to maintain a garrison of 4000 the neighbourhood of a foreign state were men than one of 2000. In the old Leeward in a condition to repel attack. He was islands the force kept up in 1791 was firmly persuaded, that among nations, 4,221, and it was now proposed to have weakness would never be a foundation for 5,500 being an increase of between twelve security. He trusted, therefore, the and thirteen hundred men, including the House would agree with him in opinion, garrison of Bermuda. And here again he than an increase of our military establish- would observe, that the same general arment in that quarter to the extent of about guments were applicable to that branch of 4000 men, was not greater than the safety the establishments which he had already and protection of those possessions re- used in reference to the other colonial quired; especially when it was remembered, augmentations, with one difference how-that the navigation between the two coun- ever, that at Antigua there was a very tries was frequently interrupted for a con- considerable naval arsenal which required siderable length of time, and that many an additional force for its defence. months might elapse before reinforcements was aware that the abolition of the slave could arrive, in the event of any sudden trade, by which the importation of fresh (VOL. XXXII.) (3 K) He |