lists were included two out of five members of the regency, who, together with a number of the cortes, were soon disposed of in various dungeons, and other odious places of confinement. The pay of these soldiers was supplied out of the British treasury; but the co-operation of this country did not end there. By the returns upon the table of the House, it appeared, that more pay and more clothing had been sent out for the troops, to the extent of half a million. At the time they were presented, strong disapprobation was naturally expressed by various members, for he (Mr. B.) had not then the honour of a seat in parliament; and it was said in excuse, that the accounts were not yet closed, and that the supply was only in fulfilment of a previous existing engagement. Did his majesty's ministers mean to state that they had no means of preventing it, and that they were bound to execute such a contract? Had it not been broken on the other side? What was become of the treaty of Valency, whicn Ferdinand had signed with the bitter enemy of England? Had this country stipulated to pay at all hazards, under all changes, even in the event of the sovereign of Spain becoming the enemy of Great Britain? Was it

own nation and of England, and fully established, that the fundamental principle by which he was guided was, to break down that constitution which we had raised, and to tear asunder those bonds of friendship that had been knit between the two countries. It was much to be lamented, that though Ferdinand might have meditated, and even digested, this project in the recesses of his own mind, it had not been executed without British assistance; the fact indeed was indisputable, that, but for the aid he received from this country, he never could have carried his plan into execution. What representations, if any, were made by the British minister at Valencia, who gave Ferdinand the countenance of his presence, it was impossible that he (Mr. Brougham) could be informed. If any instructions were sent out from this government to our ambassador, desiring him not to omit every possible remonstrance against the proceedings of the king, the noble lord opposite must be acquainted with them, or at least copies would be found in his office; but be (Mr. B.) would venture to assert, that no such instructions had been given; and he would venture to add, that, had they been given, the House would have been spared the discussion of this painful sub-meant to be said that all contracts were to ject. He was quite confident, that the co-operation on the part of the British en voy at the court of Ferdinand was most reluctantly given; but his appearance there seemed to give the acts of the king the countenance of England, and that countenance alone must have had a powerful influence in enabling Ferdinand to effectuate his purpose. But was this all? The troops dispatched against the cortes, whom we had convened, were actually in British pay, and the vanguard of lio's army was commanded by a British officer. They were led by general Whittingham, who at that time was a general in the Spanish service, and lieutenant-colonel in the service of England; he was the first to march upon Madrid, and to surround the town with his troops, while the rest of the army, with Ferdinand, advanced in the rear, or rather, with Ferdinand behind the rear of his army. The surrender of the cortes and of the regency was inevitable, and lists were soon put into the hands of the sovereign, by renegadoes from the cause of their country, of those who, having taken the most active part in its welfare, were become more especially the objects of his resentment. In these

be reciprocal and mutual, but those which respected the payment of British money? On all other subjects the performance of a treaty by one party depended upon the observance of it by the other; but when it regarded the pecuniary resources of this country, which some persons deemed so redundant, parliament was then told that there was no such thing as reciprocity.

After what had happened, both with respect to the treaty of Valency and the subsequent proceedings of Ferdinand on his return, more especially against the faithful allies of England, the cortes and the regency, the British ministry could not be justified in the disbursement of a single shilling. It was not, however, merely by the unobstructed stream of our money that we had shown our approbation of the conduct of Ferdinand. Soon after the capture of Madrid, general Whittingham was appointed by the king of Spain, a lieutenant-general, superseding all the older generals in the Spanish service. Next he was decorated with a Spanish order, and, in imitation of this liberality, the Prince Regent, under the advice of the noble lord opposite, had promoted general Whittingham to the distinguished station

of one of his royal aides-de-camp; thus lifting him over the heads of about 140 senior officers. He begged to be understood as not disputing the services of general Whittingham, which had by no means been confined to the unhappy transaction of the capture of Madrid. He was aware that he had gained great honour in the battles of Barossa and Baylen, and that he had been an active and successful partisan during the greater part of the Spanish campaigns. It was, however, most unfortunate that these achievements should be followed by the last event in which he had been concerned, and that he had thus made himself the tool and satellite of Ferdinand. It was due, however, to this distinguished officer to suppose, that he had not voluntarily become this instrument of oppression; for doubtless he had acted under instructions that left him no choice and no discretion. It was much to be regretted, that he had been selected to execute this plot, and that the rewards heaped upon him should have been conferred subsequent to his enterprise against the liberty and happiness of a nation-thus holding out to the world, that it was not for his services at Baylen or Barossa that he was exalted; not for his long campaigns against the French armies, but for his short and too successful campaigns against the cortes and the regency.

By this simple detail of events in Spain, subsequent to the return of Ferdinand, Mr. Brougham thought he had distinctly shown that the measures of the king of Spain were levelled directly against the policy and interests of Great Britain; and consequently it could not be said, that by his motion he required an interference in matters foreign to our own interests. The projects of Ferdinand were executed by the cruel punishment of those who had fought for his crown, and whose cause we were bound to espouse, not only by good faith, but because we had been the means of exposing them to this unmerited persecution. It was unnecessary to enter into details, since it was well known that twen ty-seven members of the cortes and two of the regency, besides many other individuals whose numbers could not be obtained in any parliamentary mode, who had filled high stations in life and had been zealous supporters of the patriotic cause, had become victims of the animosity of Ferdinand. After they had been immersed in dungeons for nineteen or twenty months, a special commission was ap

pointed, composed of persons, not taken
from the ordinary tribunals of justice, but
selected at the will and pleasure of the so-
vereign, for the trial and condemnation of
the objects of his displeasure. After this
irregular court had proceeded to judgment
upon the offenders, the king thought fit
to review all the sentences: thus declaring
to the world, that even the creatures of
his own selection had not acted with due
subserviency to his wishes.
The punish-
ments in general were not sufficiently se-
vere, although some had been condemned
to four years solitary confinement, and
others to various shorter periods, merely
for adhering to the friendship they had
professed for England, and for endeavour-
ing in public assemblies to promote the
welfare of their country. A poor trades-
man, who had made himself obnoxious by
his zeal, had received sentence for the se-
verer punishment; and when it reached the
ears of the king, "What !" said he, " only
four years solitary confinement in a dungeon
for a wretch who has made a speech on the
popular side at a public meeting?" and in-
stantly he took his pen, struck out the pun-
ishment affixed to this poor cripple, for such
he was, and condemned him forthwith to
be hanged [Hear, hear!]. This was a
specimen of the legitimate proceeding of
this legitimate monarch; but happily the
mob, the very rabble and scum of Madrid,
who, deluded by bigotry, and blinded by
ignorance, had welcomed the return of
Ferdinand, and rejoiced in his measures of
cruelty (however unnatural and injurious
the alliance between king and mob), res-
cued the unlucky victim, shocked at the
wanton severity of the sentence. Surely
no stronger case need be mentioned than
that of the unhappy Arguelles-a man of
education and accomplishments not to be
exceeded, of virtue and patriotism not to
be surpassed; who, from early predilec-
tion, having spent a portion of his youth
in this country, felt a sincere friendship
for England, and who, with unequalled
eloquence, had advocated the cause of the
people of Spain. He had been condemn-
ed to a punishment from which death would
be a relief. Who, without indignation, could
learn, that this finished gentleman, of high
rank, and honour, who had voted in the
cortes for the abolition of the slave trade
and of the inquisition, had been sentenced
to serve for life as a common soldier in
the garrison of Ceuta a pestilential dun-
geon fronting our fortress of Gibraltar?

Did not such relations of horror call

as possible to avoid offensive allusions, and any expressions that might bear the semblance of a wish to break the amity at present subsisting; but in negociating with the minister of Ferdinand upon this subject, if the weight and influence of the government of this country were found insufficient, he did not saythat menaces ought to be employed, for that was not the policy of any government; but other means might be found more prevailing. He did not even wish that Ferdinand should be reminded of the benefits conferred upon his kingdom, for that would suppose that he could feel gratitude; but a powerful motive for concession might be found in appealing to his apprehensions and prudence, of which he did not think him entirely destitute: he wished that the king of Spain should be reminded of what England had done upon former occasions, to the terror of his people, and destruction of his power-how often she had scattered, by a breath, the whole resources of his monarchy-how she had revelled in the spoils of his richest colonies, and trampled with a triumphant foot upon the territories of old Spain, planting her victorious standard upon that impregnable rock within view of the pri son of the miserable Arguelles. He might also be put in mind of what she had done in support of his ancestors, the Huguenots, and by her representatives in favour of the negroes. Upon these facts he might be allowed to reflect, and upon a truth, which, from motives of delicacy, he (Mr. Brougham) would convey in the language of one of the old Spanish ministers, "that his majesty had but two enemies-the one the whole world; the other, his own ministers." Whether successful or defeated in the motion with which he should conclude, at least one benefit would result from this discussion-Ferdinand would be reminded that there was yet in the world one corner in which the truth might be fearlessly spoken; in which the oppressed might obtain justice from their oppressors; in which the crimes of princes might be arraigned; and that that corner was the Commons House of parliament of the British empire. Mr. Brougham concluded by moving,

aloud for interposition? And the question really was, whether this was the only case in which the British government ought not to interfere? He had already adverted to several precedents, but particularly to two directly in point, and which occurred at a time when we little mixed ourselves with the affairs of the continent. Now, the British government was in the habit of daily and hourly systematic interference; at the moment he was speaking, a British army was quartered in France, not to support a nation our ally-not to guard our peculiar interests-but for the purpose, as had been avowed by the noble lord himself, of maintaining on the throne a particular individual. To what extent our intermeddling spirit in that instance had been carried was well known, and if he were to assert that the whole police of France was under the control of the duke of Wellington, it would scarcely be an exaggeration; but, before his army quitted Paris, that the police of that capital was subject to his authority, no man could deny. Dispatches were daily received from thence, upon which the cabinet was summoned, and events that there occurred excited exactly the same interest among ministers, as if they had taken place in York or in Dublin. The only reason assigned for this interposition was, that a particular branch of the royal family might be kept on the throne, under the pretence that by such means the peace of Europe was secured. In the case he was now arguing, this government was bound by positive treaty to interfere, having, by its own measures, brought a number of persons into predicaments of danger. The only mode of affording them relief was, by exerting the influence this country possessed, and which had been ever effectual in a just and necessary cause. It was almost vain to anticipate objections: but it might be said, that by interference those now suffering might be exposed to capricious and sudden resentment. Such arguments ought not to be taken into consideration, nor in such a case ought allowances to be made for the waywardness of individuals. He intreated the House to weigh well the grounds he had laid for his motion, and "That an humble address be presented the responsibility that belonged to the situ- to his royal highness the Prince Regent, ation in which this country had placed entreating his royal highness to take into herself; to recollect that we had ourselves his gracious consideration the sufferings of drawn down the vengeance of the sovereign the members of the late Spanish regency upon his unhappy victims, and that by and cortes, and representing that the allipositive alliance we were bound not to de-ance at present subsisting between his royal sert their cause. He was anxious as much highness and bis catholic majesty affords

the most favourable opportunity for inter-government of his own dominions he never posing the good offices of Great Britain, in heard a speech more calculated to defeat its her behalf, with the weight that belongs to object. There never was a speech delivered her, and to the sentiments of this House in parliament more calculated to excite jeaand of the people." lousy, more full of the materials of antipathy and inflammation, and, if there ever was any hope entertained that we could materially influence the sovereign of Spain, so as to induce him to entertain friendly sentiments towards the subjects with whom he was

Without possessing any documents on which to found his charge, without any correct information on the subject, the hon. and learned gentleman permitted him. self to indulge in the most severe and general invectives against the monarch with whom we were in alliance-and with whom we were to use our good offices. He imputed to him the blackest treachery, the most deceitful policy, and the most hostile feelings, towards this country. He stated, that he signed the treaty of Valency from his own choice, without any compulsion on the part of Buonaparté; and that he not only agreed to its stipulations when in captivity, but came into Spain to carry them into execution. The charge made against him was, that he accepted of English assistance, in order that he might be enabled to act against us, his friends and allies. Surely, nothing could be more calculated than assertions and accusations like these to commit the governments of the two countries, and to lead to open hostilities, rather than to produce such reciprocal sentiments of good will as would give a friendly recommendation its proper force and influence. The hon. and learned gentleman, he was persuaded, did not mean to recommend war, but the course he had pursued was the very opposite to any thing conciliatory.

Lord Castlereagh rose. He said, he was surprised at the extraordinary and novel nature of the hon. and learned gentleman's motion which had just been read. It did not point out any definite object: it stated no prayer that we should inter-offended, more adapted to destroy it. fere in a forcible manner; and yet, upon the information that the hon. and learned gentleman possessed, no other species of interference could be at all appropriately recommended. If he meant merely that we should interpose our good offices with the government of Spain in behalf of that description of its subjects whose fate he commiserated, it was most extraordinary that he should propose the measure which he had brought forward, without knowing what had been already done, or ascertaining if more could be accomplished. If there had been any reason to suppose that his majesty's government had neglected any means in their power to reconcile the parties that unhappily divided Spain, or if any mode could be pointed out, in the spirit of peace, by which that reconciliation could have been effected, without awakening the national jealousies, or aecting national independence, which had not occurred to them, there might have been some reason for some declaration of this House. The noble lord said, he regarded the description of policy now proposed to the House as extremely unwise, and calculated to do much mischief, without the chance of producing any substantial benefit to those persons whose cause it professed to espouse. Sometimes individuals of the profession to which the hon. and learned gentleman belonged, injured their clients by an injudicious plea set up in their behalf, with the design of showing their own address, talents, or eloquence. The hon. and learned gentleman was far above any suspicion of this kind, and did not require to display his acknowledged abilities by any such manoeuvre; but certainly, it would seem, that on the present occasion, he either had not evinced that acuteness which belonged to him, or was not friendly to the cause he professed to promote. Unless recourse to arms were recommended, unless we were to follow up our remonstrances with actual hostilities, unless we were disposed to go all the length of opposing the sovereign of Spain in the (VOL. XXXII.)

As the hon. and learned gentleman had entered largely into the subject of interference with foreign governments, he would trouble the House with a few observations on the proper kind of interference which the nation might exert, and which, in his opinion, might be justified. The hon. and learned gentleman had adverted to the influence which we, by the freedom of our discussions in parliament, and the unrestrained liberty of the press, exerted over the public opinion of Europe, and he admitted that nothing could be more beneficial to its various states than such influence. Nothing could contribute more to the welfare of Europe-nothing could dispense with more effect sound (2 Q)

The noble lord, after making some further observations on this subject, entered upon an examination of the precedents which the hon. and learned gentleman had adduced in support of the interference recommended in his proposed address. Adverting to the state of France in 1792, and the vote of the House of Commons that had been alluded to, he gave it as his opinion, that the residence of our ambassador would not have prevented the cala

principles of justice, of moral policy, and of humanity-nothing could aid the cause of good government, toleration, and liberty, more than the deliberations of a British parliament. But we might deprive ourselves of the glory and the satisfaction of promoting the progress of good principles, and those, to whom they might extend, of the advantage they might derive from them, by an injudicious use of our influence. If we intermeddled in the affairs of other states without sufficient reason-mity that had happened. The national if we assumed a power of deciding upon convention was proceeding with such viothe measures that it was proper for them in lence, with such a disregard of every prinall cases to pursue-if we inveighed against ciple of moderation and justice, that no any deviation that we disapproved-or if recommendation from us could have bewe endeavoured to direct their domestic nefitted the unfortunate monarch in whose policy, and interposed between a sove- behalf it might have been made. This he reign and his subjects upon the ground of was willing to admit; nor would he push mal-administration-if we acted in this the argument so far as to say that our inmanner, the parliament of Great Britain terference was actually injurious. But it would be no longer instrumental in com- seemed a very illogical inference, that bemunicating a right tone of thinking and cause our interference failed in that infeeling to the world. While he allowed stance, it must be successful in another. that we might thus destroy, to a certain He again repeated, that the furious anarextent, our great character-that the con- chists who then afflicted France might, fidence reposed in us might be withdrawn without our interference, have proceeded by the doctrines delivered, and the mea- to embrue their hands in the blood of their sures recommended in this House, he was sovereign; but it surely was an unfavourable at the same time, sensible that much latitude precedent to be adduced on the present of discussion was necessary, in order that occasion. The unfortunate royal family the full benefits of it might be enjoyed: and of France was sacrificed, notwithstanding he would say to foreigners, that they must our recommendations; and therefore we take us with our failings as well as our ought now to pursue a similar policy. The merits. He could not, however, disguise precedents which had been obtained from the fact, and he would consider himself as that part of our history which recorded betraying his duty, if he did not declare our interference to support the Protestants in that assembly, that there had occurred of the Low Countries, and the Huguenots instances of interference which had a ten- of France, were equally inapplicable. In dency to deprive this country of all the supporting them against their persecutors, advantages of its influence on the continent. He did not allude to any particular instances of recent date; but those who had been lately upon the continent, must have perceived, that there was a general disposition to impute to us an overbearing pride, an unwarrantable arrogance, and a haughty dictation in political matters, which, he was afraid, were imputed to us upon too good grounds, and which discussions like those of that night must aggravate. If we proceeded in such a manner as to justify these charges, the nations of the continent, on whom we had conferred so many benefits-with whom our character at present stood so high-would withdraw from us their confidence, their respect, and gratitude. Neither their pride, their honour, nor their feelings, could endure such conduct with regard to them.

we

the

were maintaining truly British interests. Our policy was guided by the conviction, that our own security, and liberties, and religion, dependent upon union we formed with our Protestant allies, and not by any views of regulating the conduct of a government towards its subjects, where our own interests were not concerned. It was well known to all who were conversant with the history of these times, that the two systems of religion were then committed against each other, and that a regard to their maintenance or diffusion often guided the alliances and the counsels of states. This country then believed, that its prosperity, if not its existence, depended upon the support of Protestant interests in Europe, and that if the Protestants of the Netherlands and France were overpowered by