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bilat Britain, Short Retrospect of political Transactions from the Commence
ment of the War. Humiliating Proposals of the French Republic to appease me. Nejentment of the British Cabinet. Offer on the Part of the Republic to Termin ker Colonies to Great Britain, as the Price of Neutrality. State
affairs at the Conclusion of 1795. Meetings of the Corresponding Society; Outrages offered to the King in his Way to and from the House of
S. Examination of Witnesses at the Bar of the House. Proclamation apprehen:ling the Ofenders. Proclamation againsi Seditious Meetings.
Grenville's Motion in the Lords for a Bill for the Preservation of his 091y's Perfon and Government. Debate on that Motion. Bill read a ond Time. Mr. Pitt's Motion in the House of Commons for a Bill to ent Seditious Meetings and Assemblies. Warm Debate on that Bill. fox's Motion for a Call of the House. Mr. Dundas's Declaration the two Bills had been in Contemplation before the Outrage against King. Debates in the Lords on ihe Commitment of Lord Grenville's
"; Amendments proposed by the Duke of Leeds and Earl of Lauderdale. Lord Grenville's Bill palled in the House of Lords. Public Meetings in Oppohtion to the two Bills. Lord Grenville's Bill read a first Time in the House of Co:nmons. Mr. Sheridan's Motion for an Inquiry concerning Seditious Meetings. Further Debates in the Commons on Lord Grenville's Bill. Debates en Mr. Pitt's Bill—in the House of Commons--in the House of Lords. Reflections on these Bills. Never yet acied upon by Ministry.
To maintain an even temper a duty which the passions and infir
and an unperverted mind' a; mities of our nature render difficult midst the agitations of faction; to of accomplishment; a duty against mark with keenness, and record which prejudice too commonly with precision, the errors of all revolts, and which interest fome. parties, without imbibing the fpi- times will even prompt men to be. rit or violence of any; fuch is the tray. The difficulties which the duty, and ought to be the character, annalist of his own times has to enof those who undertake to digest a counter, do not all, however, orinarrative of recent events. But it is ginate with himself, nor are they
alwars within the limits of his least that can be accorded is a pa, controul. If he writes as a man, tient hearing. it must not be forgotten that he It is now nearly eighteen years also writes to men. If he has par. since we first engaged in the service fions and failings, it must not be of the public. When we look back supposed that his readers are ex- upon our past labours, we find them empt from their share. That cau- to comprise some of the most eventdour which they expect from him, ful periods of modern history; and they are not always prepared to with pride we can reflect, that we concede in their turn; nor, while have never sanctioned with our anthey are ready to detect his errors, probation any measure that provare they always conscions of the ed afterwards injurious to our counprejudices which exist within their try. We have seen the British naow'n bofoms. With these disad- tion and the British power depresled vantages, while it is the indispen, and enfeebled by the calamitous Afable duty of the writer to adhere merican war; we have seen the enerinflexibly to fact, by that criterion gies and industry of the people rise let him also be judged. Facts, if superior to this temporary embarmisrepresented, will not escape de rassment. We have seen them again tection; and reflections or obser- plunged into a contest more fruitless, vations which do not flow naturally more inexcusable, more hopeless from the events as they are record than the former. We have seen the ed, and which are not supported by expences of the ruinous American their evidence, can never make a contest diminish almost to a cypher permanent impression.
in comparison with the prodigality * We have ever protested against of modern times. We have seen the pernicious doctrine, that the new taxes levied in the course of faithful historian is bound in duty one year, greatly exceeding the whole to 1peak in terms of lenity of polic charge created by the first fix years tical vices, or of flagrant miscon- of the American war; we have duct. General panegyric is not seen impositions laid upon the peo. impartiality; and the writer who ple of this country, in a single day, adopts the maxim that where blame nearly equal to the whole charge of is incurred it is not to be noticed, lord Chatham's glorious war, which is not merely useless-- he is vicious. endured for seven years, and in If he wrongfully accuses, he is which the British arms were triumthen deserving of censure. If his phant in every quarter of the inferences are unsupported by his globe'; nay, we have seen the documents, if his allegations should charges incurred by an expendi. prove to be founded only on the ture of only four years exceed the uncertain basis of conjecture, he is total charge of the whole national worthy of contempt. But if his debt antecedent to 1782. information is corroborated by au. We call our countrymen and our thentic testimony, if his predictions readers to witness, that, at the risk are confirmed by subsequent expe- of some unpopularity, we were the rience, he evinces then that he has first to raise our voices against the not been inattentive to his duty; present war. We proved, from and however his remarks may out- unquestionable documents, that it rage our prejudices, he is still demight have been avoided with hoServing of some credit, and the nour and with safety by the Britisha
ministry. We deprecated its ca. rance and effrontery pretended, to lamities, and we predicted them preserve us from domeftic contests? with an accuracy, which, had our It is the first time, we believe, that sentiments not been before the pub- peace and prosperity were ever conlic long antecedent to the events, fidered as favourable to rebellion, might have drawn upon them the and war, taxes, and misery, as the fufpicion of forgery or delusion. sovereign antidotes for faction. The We are now beyond the period of whole nation had risen as one man prophecy: we shall cease to warn, on the alarm of innovation, and and only continue to record. had folemnly associated to protect
Yet to that crisis, which was the the conftitution, even with its ab. fatal origin of all our present cala- uses, rather than subject a particle mities, it is necesary once more to of it to experiment or change. recur, fince by that it is that poste. Was it to anticipate the hostile de. rity must form their verdict on the signs of the enemy? Even prejuconduct of the present rulers of this dice must confess that it was the in. country. At that crisis the prospe. terest of France, and particularly rity of Britain was unexampled; of the Girondists, who were then her commerce was extended over predominant, to preserve the friendthe whole face of the ocean ; the ship of Great Britain; and whotrade of the universe was in her ever peruses with attention the corgraip. Her manufactures pervaded respondence of M. Chauvelin with every country; and if there was a the British secretary of state, must complaint, it was for a lack of perceive that the French repúblic hands to conduct them with suffi- threw itself at the feet and at the cient dispatch. By following the mercy of the Britii cabinet, but luggestions of that excellent patriot, that the supplicating envoy was and incomparable financier, the late spurned away, with a degree of inDr. Price, the minister (though, of folence and ralliness which invo. three plans presented, he adopted luntarily reminds us of the fantastithe worst) had, according to his cal glasman in the oriental laule. own calculations, liquidated nearly Was it to obtain an accellion of twenty millions of the national colonial pofleffions? We have hintdebt. In this state of things, what ed it before, and we now afert it fatal infanity, what inexplicable in- . for a fact, that M. Chauvelin was fatuation could engage a ministry to authorised, and M. Maret expressly involve the nation again in the dispatched, to offer to the Britiíh caruinous vortex of continental war- binet their choice of the French pola fare? The motives are yet unex- sefiions in the East or West Indies, plained; and perhaps it is not for as the price of neutiality *; and a the credit of the authors of the certain secretary of fate replied, measure, that they should be laid " That we h3d already colonies Before the public.
enough, and that we did not want Was it, as some with equal igno. to be búrthened with any more."
.* The proposition was firft made when MM. Taldeyrand and Chauvelin were dispate hed by the unfortunate Louis, with a letter in his own land- sriung, to entreat that le king of England would act the part of an umpire and mediutat, ind coinpose the Werences which then fubinied between the reaction and the heads of the Germanic 6. Had thus proporal been accedcd tv, in Only would ye have, in all probie