proprietor of thefe provifions or merchandize; which fhall be reputed contraband, for this caufe alone, that they come from England or her poffeffions It would be useful to declare, at the fame time, that except in the cafe of diftrefs, the ports of the Republic fhall be shut to all foreign veffels, which, in the course of their voyage, shall have entered those of England. The Executive Directory requests you, citizens reprefentatives, to adopt these measures. No neutral or allied power can mistake their object, nor complain of them, unless it be already abandoned to England. The infallible effect of the measure is to enhance the value of the produce of their own foil and industry, to increase the profperity of their commerce, to repel every thing that comes from England, and effentially to influence the conclufion of the war. Such are the motives which induce the Executive Directory to invite you, citizens reprefentatives, to take the object of this meffage into the moft prompt confideration. (Signed) P. BARRAS, Prefident. Plan of a Decree reported by M. Villers to the Council of Five Hundred, in its fitting of the 11th of January, 1798, tranflated from a Paris paper, entitled Journal du Soir, of the fame day, inclofed in the triplicate of the Envoys' letter, No. 5, dated 8th January, 1798. "First, The character of a veffel, relative to the quality of neuter or enemy, is determined by her cargo. "In confequence, every veffel loaded in whole or in part with English merchandize, is declared lawful prize, whoever the owner of the faid merchandize may be. "2d, Every foreign veffel which, in the course of her voyage, fhall have entered an English port, fhall not enter France, except in cafe of diftrefs: fhe fhall depart thence as foon as the causes of her entry fhall have ceafed," This decree was immediately and unanimoufly adopted. MESSAGE of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, të both Houfes of CONGRESS. Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Reprefentatives, I NOW transmit to Congress copies of all the communications, from our Envoys Extraordinary, received fince their arrival in Paris, excepting those before prefented by me to both Houses. WE tranfmit to you, in this inclosure, our laft letter to the Minifter of Foreign Relations. Though dated the 17th ult. it was not, on account of the time taken to tranflate so long a letter, delivered till the 31ft. In our communications here, although we have, agreeably to your inftructions, written in our own language, we have at the fame time taken the precaution, left our meaning fhould be mifrepresented or misunderftood, to accompany them with an accurate translation. We have not yet received any answer to this communication, and should no notice be taken of it in a few days, we shall apply in a more explicit manner for our paffports. The Councils have paffed the decree mentioned in No. 5, as having been recommended by the Directory, to capture and condemn all neutral veffels laden in part or in whole with the manufactures or productions of England or its poffeffions. We inclose you the official copy of the report on that fubject, and fhall reprefent to this government the injustice and injury which it must inevitably occafion us. We have the honor to be, With great refpect, Your most obedient humble fervants, Colonel Pickering, Secretary of the United States. E. GERRY. To the Minifter of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic. THE underfigned Minifters Plenipotentiary and Envoys Extraordinary from the United States of America to the French Republic, have been hitherto restrained by the expectation of entering on the objects of their miffion in the forms ufual among nations, from addreffing to the Executive Directory, thro' you, thofe explanations and reclamations with which they are charged by the government they reprefent. If this expectation is to be relinquished, yet the unfeigned wifh of the United States to restore that harmony between the two republics, which they have fo unremittingly fought to preferve, renders it the duty of the undersigned to lay before the government of France, however informal the communication may be deemed, fome confiderations, in addition to thofe heretofore fubmitted, relative to the fubfifting differences between the two nations. Openly and repeatedly have France and America interchanged unequivocal teftimonials of reciprocal regard. These teftimonials were given by the United States, with all the ardor and fincerity of youth. It is still believed that on the part of France they were likewise the offspring of real esteem. They were confidered on the other fide of the Atlantic as evidencing a mutual friendship to be as durable as the Republics themselves. Unhappily the fcene is changed; and America looks around in vain for the ally or the friend. The contraft both of language and of conduct, which the prefent fo avowedly exhibits to a portion of the past, has been repeatedly attributed by France, to a difpofition alledged to exift in the government of the United States, unfriendly to this Republic, and partial towards its enemies. That government, aftonished at a reproach, fo unfounded in fact, so contradicted by its declarations and its conduct, could fcarcely confider the charge as ferious, and has ever cherished the hope, that a candid review of its conduct founded on the documents, and aided by the arguments with which the Executive Directory has been furnished would have refcued it from the injurious fufpicion. This hope feems not to have been realized. The undersigned, therefore, deem it proper to precede their application for that juftice which they claim from France, by an effort to remove the caufe, which is alledged to have produced the injuries of which they complain. With this view, they pray the attention of the Executive Directory to a ferious and candid reconfideration of the leading measures adopted by the government of the United States, and they perfuade themselves, that however various and multiplied the channels may be thro' which mis-information, concerning the difpofitions of that government, may have been received; yet this reconfideration must remove unfounded prejudices and entirely exculpate the American nation from an accufation it knows to be unfounded, and believes to be fupported by no fingle fact. When that war which has been waged with fuch unparalleled fury, which, in its vast viciffitudes of fortune, has alternately threatened the very existence of the conflicting parties, but which, in its progrefs, has furrounded France with fplendor, and added ftill more to her glory than to her territory, when that war first involved those nations with whom the United States were in habits of friendly intercourfe, it became incumbent on their government to examine their fituation, their connexions and their duties. America found herself at peace with all the belligerent powers. She was connected with fome of them by treaties of amity and commerce, and with France by a treaty of alliance alfo. These feveral treaties were confidered with the most serious attention, and with a fincere wish to determine by fair conftruction the obligations whice they really impofed.-The refult of this enquiry was a full conviction, that her engagements by no means bound her to take part in the war, but left her fo far the miftrefs of her own conduct as to be at perfect liberty to obferve a fyftem of real neutrality. It is deemed unneceffary to analize thofe treaties in order to fupport the propriety of this decifion, because it is not recollected ever to have been quef. tioned and is believed not to admit of doubt. Being bound by no duty to enter into the war, the government of the United States conceived itself bound by duties the most facred to abstain from by du it. Contemplating man, even in a different fociety, as the natural friend of man, a state of peace, though unftipulated by treaty, was confidered as impofing obligations not to be wantonly violated. Thefe obligations, created by the laws of nature, were in fome instances ftrengthened by folemn exifting engagements, of which good faith required a religious obfervance. To a fenfe of moral right, other confiderations of the greateft magnitude were added, which forbade the government of the United States to plunge them unneceffarily into the miferies of the bloody conflict then commencing. The great nations of Europe either impelled by ambition, or by existing or fuppofed political interefts, peculiar to themfelves, have confumed more than a third of the prefent century in wars. Whatever causes may have produced fo afflicting an evil, they cannot be fuppofed to have been entirely extinguifhed, and humanity can fcarcely indulge the hope, that the temper or condition of man is fo altered as to exempt the next century from the ills of the paft. Strong fortifications, powerful navies, immenfe armies, the accumulated wealth of ages and a full population, enable the nations of Europe to support those wars in which they are induced to engage, by motives which they deem adequate, and by interefts exclufively their own. In all refpects different is the fituation of the United States: poffeffed of an extenfive unfettled territory, on which bountiful nature has bestowed, with a lavish hand, all the capacities for future legitimate greatnefs, they indulge no thirft for conqueft, no ambition for the extension of their limits. Encircled by no dangerous powers, they neither fear, nor are jealous of their neighbours, and are not on that account obliged to arm for their own fafety. Separated from Europe by a vaft and friendly ocean, they are but remotely, if at all, affected by thofe interefts, which agitate and influence this portion of the globe. Thus circumftanced, they have no motive for volutary war. On the contrary, the most powerful confiderations urge them to avoid it.-An extenfive and undefended commerce, peculiarly neceffary to a nation which does not manufacture for itfelf, which is, and for a long time to come, will be almoft exclufively agricultural, would have been its immediate and certain victim. The furplus produce of their labour must have perished on their hands, and that increase of population, fo effential to a young country, muft, with their profperity, have fuftained a ferious check. Their exertions too would not have been confiderable, unless the war, had been transferred to their own bofom. Great as are the means and resources of the United States for self-defence, it is only in felf-defence that thofe refources can be completely difplayed. Neither the genus of the nation, nor the state of its finances, admit of calling its citizens from the plough, but to defend their own liberty and their own fire-fides. How criminal must have been that government which could have plunged its conftituents into a war, to which they were neither impelled by duty or folicited by intereft; in which they committed fo much to hazard; in which they must fuffer, in order to act efficiently, and could only display their energy in repelling invafion? But motives ftill more powerful than the calamities of the moment, have influenced the govern'ment of the United States. It was perhaps impoffible to have engaged voluntarily in the existing conflict, without launching into the almost boundlefs ocean of European politics, without contracting habits of national conduct, and forming clofe political connections which must have compromitted the future peace of the nation, and have involved it in all the future quarrels of Europe. A long train of armies, debts and taxes, checking the growth, diminishing the happinefs, and perhaps endangering the liberty of the United States, must have followed the adoption of fuch a fyftem. And for what purpose should it have been adopted? For what purpose should America thus burthen herfelf with the conflicts of Europe ?-Not to comply with any engagements the has formed; not to promote her own views, her own objects, her own happiness, or her own fafety; but to move as a Satellite around fome greater Planet, whofe laws fhe muft of neceffity obey. In addition to thefe weighty confiderations, it was believed that France would derive more benefit from the neutrality of America, than from her becoming a party in the war. The determination then of the government of the United States to preferve that neutral station, in which the war found them, far from manifefting a partiality for the enemies of France, was only a measure of justice to itself and to others, and did not even derogate from that predilection for this republic, which it has fo repeatedly expreffed and difplayed. Having avowed this determination, encreased motives of honor and of duty commanded its faithful obfervance. It is not a principle which remains now to be fettled, that a fraudulent neutrality is no neutrality at all; and that the nation, which would be admitted to its privileges, muft alfo perform the duties it enjoins. Had the government of the United States, declared itself neutral, indulged its partialities by granting favours unftipulated by treaty, to one of the belligerent powers, which it refused to another, it could no longer have claimed the immunities of a fituation of which the obligations were forgotten, it would have become a party to the war, as certainly as if war had been openly and formally declared, and it would have added to the madness of wantonly engaging in fuch a hazardous conflict, the difhonor of infincere and fraudulent conduct: it would have attained circuitoufly an object which it could not plainly avow, or directly pursue, and would have tricked the people of the United States into a war, which it could not venture openly to declare. It was matter of real delight to the government and people of America, to be informed that France did not wish to interrupt the peace they enjoyed. The undersigned have been induced to rest upon this firft, neceffary and decifive ftep, taken by their government, altho' its propriety may not be controverted, from a conviction, that if the right of the United States, to obferve a fair and honeft neutrality be established, the general charges of an unfriendly difpofition, made againft them by France, must be relinquished, because the facts, by which thofe charges are fupported, will be found to have grown inevitably out of that fituation. This measure was accompanied by another, which, in repelling fo aftonifhing a charge as partiality for the enemies of France, deferves to be noticed. Soon after the government of the United States had notified to its citizens the duties which its neutrality enjoined, Mr. Genet, the first minifter from this Republic, arrived at Philadelphia: altho' his conduct had been fuch as to give cause for serious alarm, altho' before he was even acknowledged as a minifter, or had reached the authority which could infpect his credentials, he had affumed the functions of the government to which he was deputed. Yet that government refolved to fee in him, only the reprefentative of a Republic, to which it was fincerely attached, gave him the fame warm and cordial reception which he had experienced from its citizens, without a fingle exception, from Charleston to Philadelphia. The then fituation of France deferves to be remembered. While the recollection adds, citizen minister, to the glory with which your nation is encircled, it establishes the fincerity of the United States. The most formidable combination, the world had ever feen, threatened the extermination of this Republic. Auftria, Germany, Pruília, Britain, Spain, Holland and Sardinia; were in arms against France and Ruffia was leagued in the coalition. Nor was this all. The Republic, diftracted by internal divifions, contained numerous enemies within its own bofom, and a confiderable portion of its proper force was arrayed against itself. In fuch a ftate of things, the most fanguine might fear, and the most ardent hesitate. Confident in their ftrength, and relying on fuccefs, the coalefced powers |