in the concern.

I flatter myself and believe it will prove a source of real advan

tage to him, and ultimately turn out a great and permanent benefit.

I have opened myself to you, my dear Sheridan, in this matter unreservedly. When I see you I will enter more into detail. In the meantime rely on the long friendship I have professed and felt for you, and believe me that no one will more zealously, more earnestly, or more cordially labour for the welfare and happiness of your son through every means within my reach than your sincere and faithful friend, BEDFORD.

We have another meeting at Spencer House to-morrow, and it will afford me heartfelt satisfaction if I have anything pleasing to communicate to you.

Neither from this letter, nor from the following reply, have I gathered that Sheridan wanted anything for himself, except a seat in Parliament without having to pay heavily for it. He wrote :

With regard to my personal feelings on this subject and the motives which make it to me such an object, I have spoken to you with frankness and sincerity, and greatly was I gratified to perceive that your private friendship for me took an interest in them; and to that and to the Prince's unbounded goodness to me on this as well as every other occasion did I hope alone to owe the accomplishment of my wishes with regard to my son, without pressing them as a claim on political connexion, or to an Administration upon so leading a part of which I have no claim at all. But when, my dear Lord, ' political considerations essential to be attended to' are urged against my plea, and what indeed I thought I had your Grace's authority to consider as my accepted claim, I feel it would be a baseness in me not to assert my confidence that no mark of Irish favour conferred on me or any of my family would be unpopular in Ireland, or considered as a distribution of patronage hostile to the 'political considerations essential to be attended to' for the honour and interests of that country.

I bow with all possible respect to the pretensions of the great families in Ireland who, previous to the Union, possessed or contended for the patronage of her government, and no man living can feel more strongly than I do the claims of the few who have faithfully acted with the Whig party in England. At the same time I feel it no boast or conceit to say, adverting to the change made by the Union and the manifest disposition of the Irish to look now to the Prince, that any person honoured with his confidence and understanding his purposes on this great subject, and being himself an Irishman, is not guilty of great presumption in wishing to connect himself more manifestly with Ireland, or at least in being desirous to know the merits which are to supersede his pretensions.

As to poor Tom's personal claims, let them pass. He refused without consulting me, and while indeed I was in the country, a friendly offer from Lord St. Vincent in Addington's Administration, that perhaps might have made his fortune, because he would not thwart what he knew to be my principle to receive no favour direct or indirectly from that Government. If I were to die to-morrow, worth however little, he would be at least 20,000l. the worse for my election expenses in thirty years' party service, and that my line of party politics having placed me in [the rough draft ends here].

a

He wrote to Fox:

I have seen this evening Sergeant and then Vansittart, and afterwards Lord Grenville. It is clear that that seat may be managed very easily, but not in time to be of any use to me. I am a very uncomplaining person, and seldom intrude on you but where I think it is for your service, but I do not like to have a dissatisfied thought in my mind respecting you unrevealed to you.

you

I deny that Pigott or any Attorney-General had a claim with which ought to have superseded mine for a seat in Parliament without expense. But the present case is peculiarly hard and unjust. The Duke of Norfolk first applied through

me that a provision should be made for Lloyd, and in doing it he said (having always, as you know, professed the greatest goodwill towards me) that 'then there might be a vacant seat which I might take, if I wished to avoid the expense of Stafford, or it should be open to any of Mr. Fox's friends.' I told him that I thought the proposition perfectly reasonable, but that as to myself, it being understood that I would spend no more of my own money at Stafford, I relied on you that my seat should be properly managed. The seat at Steyning in consequence became yours, but how? Not in consequence of your Administration making a provision for Lloyd, as they must have done to bring in their Attorney-General, but in consequence of Lord Moira's giving up a place in his own immediate patronage which, if he could otherwise have promoted Lord Forbes, I have every reason to believe he would have given to my son. So rests the matter.

The House is to adjourn to-morrow (and would have adjourned to-day, but for my accidentally hearing of Sir J. Newport's writ) without the slightest thought of me who am now out of Parliament on a reliance which I thought could not possibly fail me, without pretence or means to keep Stafford any longer at my beck, and sincerely sorry that I have vacated my seat.

The pressing hurry to bring Pigott [in] I venture to say is felt only by yourself. I know it is not by Lord Grenville, and that he and Vansittart understand that it is their business to provide him a seat, and I am sorry to say appear to feel the priority of my claim more than you do. I have now done with this subject, respecting which I shall not utter another word nor take another step; but, being on the chapter of grievances which, believe me, my dear Fox, with you is a very hateful discussion to me, I will unpack my mind at once and once for all.

I am allotted a place [Treasurer of the Navy], to which I think there is allotted a duty if a party is to be fairly supported-I mean of receiving and entertaining members whom the Cabinet cannot open their houses to. Of course, if I mean to serve you fairly, out of my office I cannot save one guinea. I tell you frankly that I take that office without the slightest feeling of obligation to any one living. Perhaps I might say more. It is seventeen years since when you professed to me that I should not be content with that alone. I come directly to my point, and that is my son.

I will not recapitulate to you the motives that, independently of the dear affection I bear him, influence me on this subject. In the King's last illness, when perhaps I was deemed of more use than the present formed Administration may estimate, I had a very distinct pledge from you that Tom should be taken care of. All our mutual friends, men and women, cried out Tom must be provided for. How does it end? You turn me over with a note to Lord Grenville, which ends by a letter from him to ask a place from me for a friend of his, meaning no doubt to inform me that he had no patronage that could serve my son. In one word, if nothing can be done for my son, the Grenville Administration are perfectly welcome to dispose of my office.

On the subject of Sir J. Newport, I have spoke with Lord G. It must remain as it is. I need not say my object will be to reconcile the Prince to it.

Something was done for Sheridan's son, who a year later said in a letter to Mr. William Horton of Stafford, 'My place is totally unconnected with politics, and I will not sacrifice the only chance I have of comfort to my wife and family to the empty chance of being a member in such a Parliament as this is.' The office was unimportant, judging from this remark, made in a letter to his stepmother: How am I to manage with 400l. per annum; beginning the 10th of next October? Nous verrons. I always have fought my way through, and shall do still, I suppose.'

Fox's reply ran :—

Your letter has vexed me exceedingly. As to the part of it which relates to general matter, I will not say a word, because I wish for ever to avoid discussions very painful to me and by no means to retort grievance for grievance. If you recollect the time you refer to of the K.'s last illness, you must remember that the mode you proposed of serving you was highly approved by me, but is utterly inapplicable to the present reign.

Now, as to the particular question of the seat. The fact is very different from what you suppose it. Moira very kindly offered me the office in the Ordnance without even a guess for whom I destined it, but supposing it, I believe, to be intended for some member of Parliament who would retain his seat. After some deliberation, I thought I could not do so well, all things considered, as compliment the D. of Norfolk with it, at the same time saying that if Loyd [sic] was the person, it would be a great accommodation to me if for the remainder of the Parliament Piggott or Romilly could have the seat, Loyd to return to it at the General Election of course. That I am anxious the Atty. and Solr. should have seats as soon as possible, is most certain, and that I should be more so than Ld. Grenville is very natural too. I had certainly, too, understood that the money you said might be had would do to settle a seat where money was necessary-Portarlington, for instance, or some such. I have mentioned the thing to Piggott, and told him the election is to be this week, that he may get qualification, &c. What can I now do ?

Now with regard to Tom. I wrote that note because you desired it, and you now seem almost to complain that I did write it. I never had him out of my mind, and meant to look about for an opportunity to serve him; but I had, I confess, no hopes of doing it instantaneously.

I take for granted if you speak to Piggott he will give up, but I cannot deny that the inconvenience arising to me from it will be almost intolerable. I should suppose there are many boroughs which might be opened for 2,000l. or less. Now if Shelley would pay four, considering two as a part of what he is to pay at the General Election, the thing might be done satisfactorily to all parties. If I am to depend on the Treasury for the Atty. and Solr., knowing that John King must be that first object, I foresee that I shall be without them the whole of the session, and how I feel on that subject I have already expressed. My difficulties through all these transactions have been more than I can well bear.

Sheridan's reply has not been preserved; but the tenor of the next letter from Fox indicates that the differences between them had been adjusted.

Thank you, my dear Sheridan, for your letter. I hope Sergeant's business will do, for, though I could speak to Piggott, yet after my having mentioned it to him and his having thanked me for it, it would be very unpleasant. After your business is settled I must look sharp for Romilly, for though there may not be much opposition, there will certainly be some with Perceval in a manner as its head, and in such a case being without a lawyer is, as I have often experienced, a woful thing. Romilly may be more essential than the Atty., but I could not without giving offence dare [have] made him the first object.

I think you had best be on your guard as much as possible till you go to

4 21st March, 1806. I was elected to serve in Parliament for the borough of Queenborough. Mr. Geo. Peter Moore, who had been returned at the last General Election, accepted the Chiltern Hundreds at the request of Mr. Fox to make room for me. There was no opposition, but yet it was expected, and considered indispensable that I should be present at the election.'-Memoirs of Romilly, vol. ii. p. 131.

Stafford, and that even coming down to the House to-day may be imprudent. I dare say you have contributed to the smoothness that is so important at C[arlton] House], for which I am very much obliged to you. Yours ever affly.,

C. J. Fox.

If unequalled merit, long experience, and brilliant party as well as patriotic service, could have received their just reward at the hands of the Whigs, their choice would have fallen upon Sheridan as Fox's successor. However, Lord Howick, whose father owed to Sheridan his elevation to the Peerage, became Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and Leader of the House of Commons after Fox's death, and Sheridan was foremost and exemplary in loyalty to him and in praise of his conduct. Sheridan had set his heart upon succeeding Fox as member for Westminster. Lord Grenville used his influence as head of the Government to promote the return of Lord Percy, whose only claim to fill the vacant seat consisted in the Duke of Northumberland being his father." Sheridan was returned despite opposition in quarters where he had the right to count upon support, and, when he no longer required aid, he was told that he had been thwarted through a mistake.

In 1811 and 1812 there was a prospect of Lords Grey and Grenville, with their followers, returning to power under the Prince Regent, and it has frequently been affirmed that the influence of Sheridan was directed with success to keep a Tory Administration in office. Earl Grey laid the blame upon Sheridan, and did so, doubtless, with perfect sincerity, yet he was under a delusion. The truth is that the Prince Regent had a great aversion to Earl Grey, and that Sheridan, in 1812, was out of touch with his party. He told Mr. Speaker Abbot, in that year, he entirely disapproved of the language and conduct of his own friends; that party was very well; but there was another thing still better, and that was the country, which they seemed to have forgotten.' Francis Horner, writing at the time to Hallam with a full knowledge of what had occurred, made no reference to unfair play on Sheridan's part, but truly said he was satisfied Lords Grey and Grenville 'never had any chance of coming into office.' I can now state, on the authority of an unpublished letter from Lord Grenville to his brother Thomas, that Lord Grenville laid the blame of a miscarriage in the negotiations on the right shoulders, when he said with reference to a passage in an address from the University of Oxford, which he declined to present to the Prince Regent as Chancellor, that the language may be construed as approving the Prince's breach of faith to my own

8

s Professor Smyth said to Moore on the 8th of June, 1827, that Sheridan 'never forgave the Whigs for supporting the Duke of Northumberland's son against him at Westminster. The best man to advise others that could be found anywhere: no such man in a Cabinet.'-Diary of Moore, vol. iv. p. 287.

friends, and his continuance of the King's Ministers and the King's system of Government.'

Sheridan's position in the House and the country at this time is clearly exhibited in a letter from his son Tom to Tom's stepmother. Delicacy of health hindered Tom Sheridan from doing justice to himself. He was a great sufferer. On the 25th of May 1812 he wrote from Ireland: 'I continue in health much as I was; I cannot walk, or ride at a foot pace from the oppression instantly brought on my breathing. I am miserably thin and weak.' His children, who, when they grew up, were the handsomest men and women of their day, are mentioned in the same letter to his stepmother. 'You can have no conception how the children are improved. You know I believe myself impartial, and I declare I think them quite beautiful now, and finer or healthier creatures I defy the world to produce'; adding, 'what a Godsend it would be could I get some appointment at the Cape or elsewhere for a couple of years.' He was appointed Colonial Treasurer at the Cape, where he died in 1817. The appointment was obtained in the following circumstances. Dr. Knight of Stafford had visited town and appealed to Sheridan for help in an application at the War Office, and Sheridan accompanied him there and had a long personal interview with the Duke of York. On rejoining Dr. Knight in the waiting room, he was in high spirits, and exclaimed, 'How fortunate, my dear fellow, that you brought me here this morning. The Duke was so glad to see me, asked me about my family, especially about Tom. I told him Tom was doing nothing, and the Duke has given him an appointment at the Cape.'9

Writing from Rossie Priory on the 16th November 1812, Tom discussed at great length his stepmother's suggestions as to Sheridan re-entering Parliament, after Stafford had rejected him. The salient passages are these :

In the view I take of my Father's political situation, I always consider the breach between him and Grey's party as final and irrevocable. In the improbable event of their coming into power no principle of exclusion would be exercised towards him, doubtless; but if he accepted office it must then be as a Prince's Man, and without even the opportunities of influence with the party, or admission to their confidence. But let us suppose him an independent member in your sense of the word, and after exhausting an undue proportion of his limited and shattered means, he walks into the House, connected with no party and obliged to no patron -what then?

Since Fox's death, up to the appointment of the Regency nearly, my Father might have been Minister of the country any day in the year, would he but have dedicated himself to Parliamentary duty and made but common exertion to place himself on that height. This is notorious, admitted by all parties. Tell me, then,

Dr. Knight related this anecdote to his son, from whom I have had it, and it proves that Sheridan was far more concerned about his own son than about his friend. He strangely fancied, however, that he had helped his friend, and sent a line to R. Peake to the effect that everything had been settled in Knight's favour.