New Mexico as a State, with such constitution as the people may adopt. This disposes of all territory that is adapted to slave labor, or that is claimed by the South. It ought to settle the whole question. Surely, if we can dispose of all the territory that we have, we ought not to quarrel over that which we have not, and which we have no very honest way of acquiring. Let us settle the difficulties that threaten us now, and not anticipate those which may never come. Let the public mind have time to cool; let us forget, in the general prosperity, the mutual dependence and common glory of our country, that we have ever quarreled over the question that we have put at rest; and perhaps when, in the march of events, the northern provinces of Mexico are brought under our sway, they may come in without a ripple on the political sea, whose tumultuous waves now threaten to engulf us all in our common ruin. In offering to settle this question by the admission of New Mexico, we of the North, who assent to it, propose a great sacrifice and offer a large concession. We propose to take in a State that is deficient in population, and that possesses but imperfectly many of the elements of a member of the Union, and that will require, in one form or another, even after its admission, the aid of the general government. But we make the offer in the spirit of compromise and good feeling, which, we hope, will be reciprocated. And

now, Mr. President, I appeal to Senators on the other side, when we thus offer to bridge over full seven-eighths of the frightful chasm that separates us, will you not build the other eighth? When, with outstretched arms, we approach you so near that by reaching out your hands you can clasp ours in the fraternal grasp from which they should never be separated, will you, with folded arms and closed eyes, stand upon extreme demands which you know we cannot accept, and for which, if we did, we could not carry our constituents?

The State that I have the honor, in part, to represent was the last of the old thirteen to adopt the constitution. She will permit no other State to be the last to leave it. She will remain true to the American flag so long as a shred of it floats. She deliberated long, because she apprehended that in entering the Union she made great sacrifices and incurred. great risk of loss. She has found that, instead of sacrifice and loss, it has been all glory and gain.

However we may be estranged by unfortunate and, I trust, transient causes, we are all brethren of one household. Intermarriage and immigration have given to families of、 either section representatives in the other. You cannot trace back the family tree but some of its limbs will cast their shadows in every State. The blood of your ancestors flowed at Lexington, and reddened the sod of Bunker Hill; the bayonets of ours

gleamed at the battle of Cowpens; and the sword of a Rhode Island man, to whom my colleague has so eloquently referred, directed the fight at Eutaw Springs. That day he made good the declaration that he would. rescue the Carolinas, or perish in the attempt. Together, Our fathers achieved the independence of this country; together they laid the foundations of its greatness and glory; together they constructed this beautiful system under which it is our privilege to live, which it is our duty to preserve and transmit. Together we enjoy that privilege; together we must perform that duty. I will not believe that, in the madness of popular folly and delusion, the most benignant government that ever blessed

humanity is to be broken up. I will not believe that this great Power, which is marching with giant steps towards the first place among the nations of the earth, is to be turned 'backward on its mighty track.' There are no grievances, fancied or real, that cannot be redressed within the Union and under the Constitution. There are no differences between us that may not be settled if we will take them up in the spirit of those to whose places we have succeeded, and the fruits of whose labors we have inherited." (Applause in the galleries.)

These eloquent words fell unheeded upon the ears of the advocates of secession.

HISTORIC Newburgh has been the home and scene of labor of many men who have not only led lives that should serve as an example to those about them, but have been of important service to their city and State through various avenues of private and public usefulness. Among them must be named Daniel B. St. John, who passed away in the opening days of the present year, after a long life of industry, and rich in those rare possessions which only a high character can give. The son of a family

long since known and honored in America, he came naturally into the possession of those gifts which are of the greatest value to any man-integrity, industry and a desire to make good use of his heart, his head and his hands during his sojourn in this lower vale.

Mr. St. John was born in Sharon, Litchfield county, Connecticut, on October 8th, 1808. His grandfather, Daniel St. John, was a man of influence in his day and locality, serving as a civil magistrate, as a member of

the State Legislature and as county surveyor; while his father, Russell St. John, was an intelligent farmer, who stood at the head of his profession in the region about his home, in Hartford county, Connecticut-a fact illustrated by the premium of a silver cup presented him by the Hartford. County Agricultural Society for the best cultivated farm in the county.

The boy, Daniel B. St. John, was educated in the public schools of Hartford, and at the age of sixteen left home and entered the employ of his maternal uncle, Hiram Bennett, the possessor of a store at Monticello, Sullivan county, New York. Here he gave an intelligent and faithful service for seven years, when he was admitted as a partner; and subsequently became the sole proprietor. He continued in active trade as a merchant and dealer in real estate until 1848, when he retired from mercantile pursuits.

Mr. St. John had already been called upon to fill various positions of public trust, and he gave to all these duties the same intelligence, the same integrity, and the same rare business sense that had been displayed in his private affairs. He was elected, in 1840, to the State legislature of New York, from Sullivan county. He was at first a Henry Clay Whig, and remained with that party until its dissolution. From 1843 until 1846 he was the supervisor of the town of Thompson. In the year last named he was elected to

Congress, serving from 1847 to 1849. While occupying this honorable and responsible position, he was a member of the committee on post offices and post roads upon which Abraham Lincoln was serving, and a warm, personal friendship sprang up between the two.

Upon the close of his Congressional career, Mr. St. John was requested to take charge of the bank department at Albany, which was then under the supervision of the Comptroller of the State. Hon. Washington Hunt, afterwards Governor, was then Comptroller of New York, and at his request Mr. St. John accepted the office of chief register, which he occupied until 1851, when, by act of the legislature, the bank department was made a separate branch of the public machinery. Mr. St. John was immediately appointed superintendent, and reorganized the department, and continued in control thereof until 1855.

When, as above stated, Mr. St. John retired from the cares of an active business life it was with the hope that he might retire to the quiet of rural pursuits, which had always held out a promising prospect before his busy mind; and accordingly, in 1856, he purchased some twelve acres of land in the northern suburbs of Newburgh, upon which he erected a beautiful dwelling and commodious outbuildings, and beautified the grounds with ornamental trees, winding walks and lawns. In this quiet and beautiful retreat he made his home from