his countrymen, and especially his parti sans. An armistice, attended by a suspension of the blockade, means the termination of the war and the independence of the Southern Confederacy. If the European Powers interfere for the purpose of re-opening the ports, they will never again allow them to be closed; for the renewal of a bloody and hopeless contest would be even more justly obnoxious to general feeling than a continuance of a struggle in which it may perhaps be difficult to pause. It is also evident that the Government of Washington would refuse to acquiesce in a truce, except in the confidence that it must expand into a definitive peace. The Northern preparations have been made at enormous expense, and the ranks of the army are for the moment full. The maintenance of half a million of soldiers for six months in utter idleness would be ruinously wasteful, and a promiscuous grant of furloughs would only lead to the final disappearance of recruits who have with difficulty been attracted by unprecedented bounties. A temporary peace would be almost as costly as war, and it would provide few additional resources. As the tariff would not be altered, there is no reason why commerce should revive, nor could the sea be more open than at present to Federal shipping. On the other hand, the South would profit by the interval to sell its cotton, and to buy whatever is required for the successful prosecution of the war. Arms, clothing, and ammunition would be reduced to a third or a fourth of the present prices, and almost the entire cost of the maintenance of the army would be saved to the Confederate Treasury. The volunteers of the South could, in any case, be trusted to rally round the flag which they have from the first defended under the influence of patriotic zeal; and, on the improbable supposition that the war could be renewed at the close of a limited armistice, it is not too much to say that the comparative chances of success would be fundamentally altered. The North would be as much poorer or weaker as the South would be better and stronger; nor could the most resolute fanatic refuse to see that the principle of independence had been virtually conceded. If any further argument were needed to show that the French proposal must be rejected by the Federal Government, it is sufficient to observe that the North can obtain an armistice at pleasure, apart from the interference of neutrals, and without concessions to the enemy. By abstaining from the invasion of the South, the Federals can suspend or discontinue active hostilities by land, while at the same time they maintain the blockade. It is not likely that Mr. Lincoln will purchase at a heavy cost a doubtful benefit which may be secured at his own discretion. The practical difficulties of the reported project multiply indefinitely as the matter is more fully considered. It must be supposed that, during the armistice, both Federations would maintain their own commercial systems, so that perfect free trade in the South would co-exist with the rigid protectionism of the North. As it could be scarcely worth while to establish a line of inland customhouses for an interval of six months, there would be nothing to prevent an unlimited extension of the contraband trade which is already carried on in the midst of the war. Even if the Confederate Government provisionally adopted the Northern tariff, it could scarcely enforce on its citizens the corresponding excise duties which have been imposed by the Federal Congress. A mere suspension of arms might not be impracticable; but the withdrawal of the blockade would render arrangements necessary which would be impracticable unless they were permanent. In short, the mediation would be equivalent to a recognition of the South, and to a declaration of war with the North. The benevolent profession of putting a stop to useless bloodshed could scarcely be disconnected from the avowed intention of obtaining cotton for European looms. The suffering occasioned by the blockade may perhaps hereafter justify forcible intervention; but English opinion is almost unanimous in holding that the time has not yet arrived for overruling international law on the ground of political expediency. The reception of Mr. Slidell at Compiègne seems to indicate that the Emperor Napoleon has already settled the terms of an impending alliance with the Confederate Government. It is difficult to reconcile his new policy with his usual sagacity and caution, especially if he has stipulated for aid or countenance in his wild Mexican enterprise. Although the Northern Republicans will undoubtedly denounce the neutrality of England as more culpable than the enmity of France, even American credulity and prejudice must yield to the evidence of an unfriendly and one-sided mediation. The unexpected issue of the French Circular explains the recent eagerness of the English Opposition for intervention on behalf of the South. Its most active leader has for some time cultivated a back-stair's connection with the French Government. In the last session Mr. Disraeli held a brief from the reactionary section of the Imperial Court, and he did full justice to his instructions by protesting against Lord Palmerston's vexatious resistance to the uncontrolled will of his august ally. There is no reason why a similar un-fore the offer was rejected, the reception of derstanding should not be established on Mr. Slidell at Campiègne was officially anAmerican as well as on Italian questions. nounced to France and to America. The Although the Emperor Napoleon has hith- Emperor Napoleon wishes either to comerto shown perfect loyalty in concerting his mence a fresh course of action, or to adpolicy with the English Government, he, or vertise his desire for peace, and his goodhis ministers, may perhaps sometimes think it will to the Southern Confederacy. It is expedient to promote their own views by the perfectly natural that he should be anxious indirect pressure of domestic opposition. It to prove to the distressed manufacturers of may have been thought, moreover, that the Rouen and Lyons his interest in their sufferEnglish Cabinet, notwithstanding its own ings, and his energy in devising plans for distaste to interference, would be unwilling their relief; and yet the publication of M. to hold back when all the other great powers Drouyn de Lhuys's despatch can scarcely have were anxious to impose peace on the Ameri- been designed exclusively for domestic purcans. The report that Russia had adhered poses. The express mention of the Confedto the French proposal was evidently con-erate States by the title which they have setrived for the purpose of deterring resist-lected for themselves virtually involves a ance. The actual isolation of France will be recognition; and the proposal of an armisexcused on the ground that Lord Palmerston's obstinate perversity has checked the benevolent intentions of governments which are less immediately interested in American affairs. Intrigues of this kind are intelligible, and generally trivial; but commercial confusion is more serious than the ordinary consequences of underground diplomacy. A penny in the pound in the price of cotton at present outweighs the importance of Mr. Disraeli's contingent accession to office by the aid of either an ecclesiastical or a foreign alliance. From The Saturday Review, 22 Nov. THE PROPOSED MEDIATION. tice by sea and land, including the suspension of the blockade, implies an opinion which may shortly be uttered in language more intelligible than words. It is probable that the terms of alliance with the Southern States are not yet arranged, nor is it easy to understand any practical advantage which can be exchanged for the powerful support of France beyond the renewed supply of cotton for the mills: but it it is possible that schemes for the partition of Mexico, involving the acquisition of Sonora by France, may have been already discussed or projected. The unanimity with which Lord Russell's answer has been approved in England is scarcely disturbed by the murmurs of the professional Opposition. Mr. Disraeli's foreign politics are peculiar to himself and to a comparatively small section of his supportTHE Emperor of the French is not in the ers, while the better and larger portion of habit of acting without reasons, or at least the party is unable to understand why a dead without motives. His proposal of a joint weight of gratuitous unpopularity should be mediation must have been intended either to perversely hung round its neck. The Engsucceed or to produce some assignable effect|lish nation is not so entirely of one mind in after the refusal of Russia and England to the American quarrel as in the Italian strugconcur. There can be little doubt that the gle for independence; but, on the whole, it actual result of the overture was foreseen, has come to the conclusion that the South for Governments are ordinarily as unwilling will have the best of the contest, and that it as suitors to incur the annoyance of a delib- is not the business of foreigners to accelerate erate and verbal rejection. An offer of alli- the impending catastrophe. The resentment ance, like an offer of marriage, is merely the which has been justly provoked by the silly formal conclusion of a previous negotiation; malignity of the North is by no means strong and when an anticipated failure is intention- enough to create a desire for a rupture; and ally provoked, it may be assumed that the the wrongdoers are executing poetical justice usual practice has been abandoned for some on themselves effectually enough to satisfy definite purpose. When the French de- the most unfriendly aspirations. Whatever spatch was published in the Moniteur before may have been the errors of former times, the English Cabinet had decided on an an- England is now a thoroughly peaceable naswer, the Imperial Government must have tion; and where no point of honor is involved, been fully prepared for Lord Russell's pru- a general conviction prevails that war is the dently negative reply. There is reason to most unprofitable of employments. As Mr. believe that the project was abruptly ten- Cobden said, it would be cheaper to maindered at the Foreign Office without the prep-tain Lancashire in luxury, or to incur any aration which smoothes the way for diplo- other extravagant outlay, than to indulge in matic movements of importance; and, be- a six months' campaign. The Federalists, and especially the Republicans, will say, with system of neutrality, there were strong reathe French journals, that the fear of a quar-sons against embarking in a joint enterprise rel with the North is a proof of the basest of undefined nature and extent. Only a few cowardice; but if all other subjects of na- months since, it became necessary to incur a tional vanity fail, the Englishman may risk of misconstruction by withdrawing at proudly boast that he is the least thin- the last moment from the Mexican undertakskinned of civilized mankind. The policy ing. It might have been more difficult to of the country is, happily, independent of pause in the process of intervention in Amerthe criticism and satire of foreigners. The ica, if an attempt to open the blockade had Government wisely declined to take a part been followed by a declaration of war. in mediation because the proposal would have been frivolous and undignified unless it were followed up by action. The Federal Government could have had no motive for accepting, without compulsion, a scheme which was exclusively favorable to their adversaries. The refusal would probably not have been expressed in courteous language, and further pressure might have led to the war which the nation is fully determined to avoid. An ingenious commentator in the Journal des Débats remarks, with significant irony, that Albion can never help being a little perfidious. Lord Russell is accused of an attempt to conciliate America at the expense of France; and the French writer remarks that it is odd that the ministers of George III.'s descendant should become the champions of the United States against the countrymen of Lafayette and Rochambeau. The censure may be more patiently endured, beThe form of Lord Russell's despatch cause it is really directed against the Impeis wholly unobjectionable; for politeness, rial Government, and not against England. though always meritorious, is never so ap- The art of ironical and indirect satire has propriate as when it becomes necessary to been cultivated to rare perfection under the utter a refusal. The admission that the par- system of official warnings to the press; and ticipation of Russia was desirable was equiv- it is more convenient for a journalist to find alent to a hint that Prince Gortschakoff's in- an argument against his own Government in tended reply was, in its substance, as well a foreign despatch than to utter it in his known in London as in Paris. It would, in- own person. Lord Russell thought little deed, have been strange if the Russian Gov- enough of Lafayette and George III., but ernment, which has no need of Southern cot- there is no doubt that the party in France ton, had concurred in a plan for opening the which favors the Northern Federation is blockade either by force or by diplomatic chiefly influenced by the belief that the urgency. The Emperor Alexander was prob- United States are natural rivals and enemics ably influenced rather by obvious reasons of of England. When the Secession occurred, policy than by the devoted admiration for the feeling of regret was almost universal his person and his form of government which among Englishmen, not on account of any is proclaimed by Mr. Clay, and other Amer- selfish interest in American unity, but beican friends of freedom. It has always been cause the interruption of a brilliant career the habit of Russia to court the good-will of of prosperity is in itself a melancholy specthe United States, and the success of the taclc. The French theory of the balance of attempt was proved during the Crimean war. power retains a more obstinate vitality. The As the Northern Federation retains the title Emperor Napolean has been censured for of the former Republic, and as it especially allowing a great power to grow up on the cherishes the tradition of animosity to Eng- frontiers of France, and he is now believed land, the court of St. Petersburg consist- to have committed a mistake in recognizing ently abstains from an interference which the disruption of a great power which might would have been regarded as offensive. In have been formidable to England. He is replying more directly to the French Gov-perfectly right in seeing the truth of actual ernment, Lord Russell properly took occa- events, but it is possible that his policy may sion to acknowledge the friendly conduct of be adventurous and unquiet, although it is the Emperor Napoleon in the matter of the comparatively exempt from the influence Trent; and in proceeding to explain the of obsolete traditions. His projected congrounds of his refusal, he complied with the quest of Mexico is almost the only attempt rules of diplomatic courtesy, although the at military aggression which has ever been motives of English policy might have been unpopular in France. If he extends his deperfectly understood without elaborate expo- signs to an alliance with the Southern Consition. It would have been superfluous and federacy, he will incur large risks and liabiluncivil to add that, independently of the ities. From The Economist, 15 Nov. THE ATTITUDE OF THE POPE. |country. Among the craven acts of M. Rattazzi, few have been worse than that which withdrew the promise of indemnity "THE French Government," says M. which had, it is asserted, been given by Drouyn de Lhuys, "has at no period ever Baron Ricasoli to all who, after signing Pasheld out the hope,either to Piedmont or Italy, saglia's petition, should find that they had that it would sacrifice to them Rome and the suffered pecuniarily by it in consequence of Papacy." Consequently Italy must wait till the displeasure of their ecclesiastical supeFrance becomes heartily ashamed of her ad-riors ;-for the working clergy or rectors are mirable protegé, and if we may judge by the entirely at the mercy of the bishops, and the signs of the times, Rome will very soon do bishops in Italy are almost all Papal. Baron far more to make the position of France dis-Ricasoli had authorized Father Passaglia to reputable and unpopular even with the Cath-send round a letter to the priests, conveying olic world than any notes of General Duran- to them that if they were persecuted or do's would ever succeed in effecting. We should suffer temporal loss in consequence have often recommended patience and or- of their signature, the Government would ganization to the Italian Government as the true way both to Rome and Venice. We now propose to point out how many influences are at work in the Papal camp itself to aid the efforts of Italy, if the government of that country will only be true to its own cause and quietly permit the Papal See to be, as it seems bent on being, and by the law of its nature as a sovereign power it is almost bound to be,-false to itself. take their loss upon itself. When M. Rattazzi came into power he withdrew this permission, and the letter was not sent. Consequently, the ten thousand signatures represent at present only those who were willing to risk much in the cause; and yet we find among the names already signed not only 76 episcopal vicars and 1,095 monsignors (i.e., canons of cathedrals or collegiate churches), but 783 archpriests, provosts, or In the first place, the clergy, who have parish rectors, 317 chaplains, 861 parish hitherto been more or less allies of the tem-vicars or curates, 343 doctors, 167 reverend poral power, are every day deserting the schoolmasters, 4,533 simple priests, and 767 Pope in greater and greater numbers in his monks or regular clergy-in all 8,942 (a struggle for temporal power. Of the eighty number daily increased by accessions printed thousand priests and monks whom Italy in Father Passaglia's journal, Il Mediutore, contains, about ten thousand of the clergy so that it will certainly pass 10,000). It is have already deserted on patriotic grounds clear that one-eighth part of the Italian the Papal standard, and signed Father Pas- clergy are already not only opposed to the saglia's petition to the Pope to abandon his temporal power, but willing to incur a good temporal power for the sake of both Church deal of serious loss to get rid of it; and of and State. That petition, which has just course a very much larger number would been presented, entreats Pio Nono in the soon appear to be friendly to the national most devout and affectionate language to let movement if this shadow of doubt could be the two great Italian cries, "Long live the dispeiled. Pope" and "Long live Rome the capital of However, what we want to point out now the new Kingdom," resound once more in is,—not the inherent force of the movement perfect harmony and without distracting the so much as the intrinsic certainty that the dearest wishes of the nation. It may be Papal Government will itself contribute much said that ten thousand out of eighty thou-to aid and spur on that movement. The sand is but a small proportion, if seven bishops,-who to the number of no less than priests and perhaps half as many nuns re-two hundred and thirty-seven arc, as we said, main to plead the cause of the Papal Crown almost to a man on the side of the Papal against each ecclesiastical deserter. But Government,-will be obliged for their own this would very ill represent the state of the sakes to show their zeal against the petitioncase even at present. The ten thousanders; and, following the Papal precedent, will, who have signed Father Passaglia's memo- no doubt, institute very active proceedings rial are but the chosen few who have risked against them. This course, which is certain and ventured much for the sake of their in many cases to be followed, will only have as soon as the line was really opened for work. Since this contract was made, however, the Pope has bethought himself that Garibaldi took Naples "by a railway ticket," and that railways are naturally inimical to arbitrary sway. His holiness, therefore, is naturally unwilling to bring his subjects into too close connection with a seditious kingdom, especially when that intercourse will probably cost him at first a considerable the effect of marking more distinctly and coming exhausted, not that his credit is mischievously for the Papal See the distinc- absolutely gone, but that the money market, tion which is apparent between the pro-Pa- foreseeing that his successor must probably pal and the Passaglian clergy. Already the accept his debts but will not accept them cerItalian papers are calling attention to the tainly on such exorbitant terms, tries to make contrast between the general repute and high | hay while the sun shines, and to extort from standing of most of the subscribers, and the the necessities of a tottering throne the most calibre of the protestors, who from Papal that it believes that throne is willing to offer. zeal or worldly craft, are writing to the pa- A striking illustration of the neediness of pers very ill-spelled and ill-composed letters the Pope is said to have occurred the other to explain that they are not to be confounded day, in conjunction with an equally striking with petitioners of the same name therein illustration of his political sagacity. The found. The more sharply the bishops mark railway from Rome to Naples has now for this distinction by persecuting the petition- some time been practically completed. The ers, the better will it be for the Italian na-court of Rome had guaranteed five per cent. tion. It will soon become a popular distinc- on the capital expended on the Roman line tion to be the object of episcopal dislike, and to be reckoned among the opponents of the temporal power. And when once this is so, we may be quite sure that the clergy will not long remain manageable instruments of the Pope, and either the bishops must give way, or the Church will risk the greatest of all dangers-a mighty schism at its very centre. Even now there is rumor of filling up the thirty-four vacant Italian sees, which include, we believe, the important sees of Tu-sum. The consequence is that the Pope rin and Milan, without the aid of the Pope, since he is not inclined to sanction any choice agreeable to the King of Italy. Of course this alone would be an act of schism, and yet sooner or later it must take place, if the Pope continues to hold out. When thirtyfour out of two hundred and thirty-seven sees are already empty, it cannot be long before the populous episcopacy of Italy is mown down by Death. A few years must decide the feud between King and Pope favorably for the King, if it be only by the natural demise of the pro-Papal bishops. If the Pope had no longer any clerical partisans in Italy except in his own small State, France, even for her own interest, could hardly persist in strengthening the hands of an obstinate head of the Church against the whole clerical voice of Italy. But it is not only by the paralysis of his ecclesiastical power that the Pope's secular sway will be rendered impossible. As a sovereign, his difficulties are daily and almost hourly multiplying. Every one knows his money difficulties. The Peter's Pence are a very limited source of income; the taxation of his circumscribed States is extremely limited also; and the borrowing power is be will not sanction the opening of the line. He picks holes in the legal case of the Railway Company,-complains that all sorts of petty conditions in the contract are still unsatisfied,-demands that certain levels shall be rectified, certain station-houses completed, and so forth, always discovering something fresh which renders it impossible for him to sanction the opening of the line. At the same time, it is said, that there was one condition which would have perfectly satisfied him. If the Railway Company could have lent him 20,000,000f (£800,000), all minor difficulties might have been smoothed over. The incident is exceedingly instructive as to the fate of the temporal power. The Pope, as a political ruler, feels an antecedent dislike to measures which promote the mere temporal prosperity of his kingdom, but he can get over that dislike for a consideration. In other words, his subjects must buy off his prejudice against their welfare, if they are not willing to be seriously injured by it. It is the system of indulgences over again applied to political rule. For railway communication you must pay first the cost of construction, and then for the spiritual permission to make use of such a luxury. How can |