advance in price and continued large purchase of our bonds in Germany. But persons given to reflection, who liked to see argument met by argument, found matter to their satisfaction in the campaign speeches of Carl Schurz, which, though not seemingly purposed as a direct answer to Winthrop and Seymour, shook their positions, demonstrating clearly and cogently the necessity for the re-election of Lincoln. Schurz maintained that the evidence was abundant and clear that the Confederates would not come back on the basis of reunion; that "the recognition of the independence of the Confederacy was a condition sine qua non for all peace negotiations;" and that the Democratic argument, "while the rebel government is for war the Southern people are for peace," although specious, was in reality destitute of foundation. The sentiment which pervaded Winthrop's and Seymour's speeches he showed to be merely a "vague impression

that the union and universal good feeling may be restored by a policy of conciliation and compromise. But nothing could be clearer than that the only course to be pursued was to fight the war out. "We went into the war," he declared, "for the purpose of maintaining the Union and preserving our nationality. . . . Gradually it became clear to every candid mind that slavery untouched constituted the strength of the rebellion, but that slavery touched would constitute its weakness. . . . It became a question of life or death the death of the nation or the death of slavery. Then the government chose. It chose the life of the nation by the death of slavery. . . . As soon as a man throws his whole heart into the struggle for the Union, he throws, at the

1 Boston Advertiser, Sept. 24, Oct. 2, Chicago Tribune, Sept. 17, 28; city article London Times, cited in Boston Advertiser, Sept. 22. Carl Schurz said, in a speech in Philadelphia, Sept. 16: "You have heard of the people of Germany pouring their gold lavishly into the treasury of the United States [applause]. You have heard of a loan of a thousand millions having been offered and being now in progress of negotiation. Would those people who are standing by us so generously in our embarrassments, would they have done so if they did not trust in our ability and determination to carry through the war?"-Speeches, p. 289.

same time, his whole heart into the struggle against slavery.' It is useless to talk of restoring the Union as it was. "Thank God, it is impossible" to revive slavery.1

"There is not, now, the slightest uncertainty about the reelection of Mr. Lincoln," wrote Chase to John Sherman, October 2. "The only question is, by what popular and what electoral majority. God grant that both may be so decisive as to turn every hope of rebellion to despair!"2

October 11 State and congressional elections took place in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana. Ohio went Union by a majority of 54,751;3 Indiana gave Morton, for governor, 20,883 more votes than were received by his Democratic opponent, and all three States made material gains in Union members of Congress. These elections manifested a tendency of public opinion which gave an almost unerring indication of the election of Lincoln in November. Sheridan conveyed an augmented force to the movement, and infused enthusiasm into the last weeks of the canvass. In a despatch to Grant, at ten in the evening of October 19, he thus tells the story: "My army at Cedar Creek was attacked this morning before daylight, and my left was turned and driven in confusion; in fact, most of the line was driven in confusion with the loss of twenty pieces of artillery. I hastened from Winchester, where I was on my return from Washington, and found the armies between Middletown and Newtown, having been driven back about four miles. I here took the affair in hand, and quickly united the corps, formed a compact line of battle just in time to repulse an attack of the enemy, which was handsomely done at about 1 P. M. At 3 P. M., after some changes of the cavalry from the left to the right flank, I attacked, with great vigor, driving and routing the enemy, capturing, according to the last report, forty-three pieces of artillery and very many prisoners. Affairs at

1 Speeches of Schurz in Philadelphia, Sept. 16, in Brooklyn, Oct. 7. — Speeches, pp. 277, 278, 284, 290, 291, 338, 339, 340, 348, 356.

2 Recollections of John Sherman, vol. i. p. 341.

8 28,152 of this was contributed by the soldiers.

times looked badly, but by the gallantry of our brave officers and men disaster has been converted into a splendid victory."

"1

"2

"With great pleasure," telegraphed Lincoln to Sheridan, "I tender to you and your brave army the thanks of the nation, and my own personal admiration and gratitude for the month's operations in the Shenandoah valley; and especially for the splendid work of October 19, 1864.” "The nation rings with praises of Phil Sheridan," said the Chicago Tribune.3 In New York City his exploit was "recited in prose and chanted in verse."4 The most famous The most famous poem called forth by the battle was "Sheridan's Ride," written on the impulse of the moment by Thomas Buchanan Read, and delivered immediately after it was written to a large audience in Cincinnati by James E. Murdoch, a retired actor and celebrated reader, whose declamation in the dramatic style eight days before the election stirred the crowd and served as effective last words of the political campaign.5

1 N. Y. Times, Oct. 21; O. R., vol. xliii. part i. p. 32; see Sheridan's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 68. In this connection the glimpses we get of Sheridan in Busch's Bismarck are interesting. Speaking of the battle of Gravelotte, Sheridan said, “Your infantry is the best in the world; but it was wrong of your generals to advance your cavalry as they did." — Vol. i. p. 74; see, also, pp. 97, 99, 107, 128.

2 Oct. 22, Complete Works, vol. ii. p. 589.

8 Oct. 22.

4 N. Y. Times, Oct. 22.

5 Cincinnati Commercial, Nov. 1, 1864. A different account of the circumstances under which the poem was composed is given by David L. James, cited in the Boston Eve. Transcript, Oct. 31, 1898. The poem is printed in a volume, "A Summer Story, Sheridan's Ride and other Poems" (Phila., 1865); the great effect which it had must have been due largely to the exciting time when it appeared and the impressive delivery of Murdoch. It is a laudation of the horse (see Sheridan's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 177) which bore Sheridan from Winchester to the battle-field; its keynote is

"Hurrah! hurrah for Sheridan!

Hurrah! hurrah for horse and man!"

The best stanza historically is

"The first that the general saw were the groups

Of stragglers, and then the retreating troops.

November 8 the presidential election took place. Lincoln carried States sufficient to give him 212 electoral votes, while McClellan would receive only 21, those of New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky. In but one large State, New York, was there a close contest; Lincoln had a majority of the popular vote, in the whole country, of 494,567.1 Another result of the elections of the year was that enough Republican and Unionist members of the House of Representatives had been elected to insure the requisite majority of two-thirds for the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery.

"I give you joy of the election," wrote Emerson to a friend. "Seldom in history was so much staked on a popular vote. I suppose never in history."2 "I thought that I should have much to say about the result of the election," wrote Motley from Vienna to his daughter. "But I am, as it were, struck dumb. The more than realization of my highest hopes leaves me with no power of expression except to repeat over and over again,

O Grosser Gott in Staube danke ich dir.' " 3

Even with the wealth of experience which his country's history has since furnished him, the historian can add nothing to the fervor of these expressions of men who lived in the spirit. In the first election of Lincoln, the people of the North had spoken, had declared their antagonism to slavery; did they remain true to their highest aspirations, they could

What was done? what to do? A glance told him both,
Then striking his spurs with a terrible oath,

He dashed down the line, mid a storm of huzzas,

And the wave of retreat checked its course there, because
The sight of the master compelled it to pause.
With foam and with dust the black charger was gray;
By the flash of his eye, and the red nostrils' play,
He seemed to the whole great army to say,

'I have brought you Sheridan all the way

From Winchester, down to save the day.'" - P. 77.

1 Stanwood, Hist. of the Pres., pp. 307, 308.

2 Cabot, p. 609.

3 Motley's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 191.

not turn back, but must go forward. In spite of burdensome taxation, weariness of the war, and mourning in every household, they decided on this election day of 1864 to finish. the work they had begun.1

1 My authorities for this account of the campaign other than already mentioned are the files of the N. Y. Times, Tribune, World, Independent, Boston Advertiser, Chicago Tribune, Springfield Republican, Columbus Crisis, Belmont's speeches, Aug. 29, Sept. 17; Life of Vallandigham by his brother; Life of Chase, Schuckers; Julian's Political Recollections; Sherman Letters; Life of Bowles, Merriam; Life of Garrison, vol. iv.; Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv.; Nicolay and Hay, vol. ix.; Greeley's Amer. Conflict, vol. ii.; Reminiscences of Lincoln, Rice.

All writers on the Civil War owe their foremost and greatest obligations to the United States government for the publication of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. No such compilation was ever before possible (nor has it been since); and the government in seizing the opportunity has rendered a unique service to history. In this connection I am glad to acknowledge courtesies received from Hon. Russell A. Alger, Secretary of War.

The many references which I have made to Nicolay and Hay's history are by no means the full measure of my obligations to these authors, whose knowledge and industry have lightened very considerably the task of those who follow after them. During many years I had the opportunity of listening in the freedom of private conversation to Colonel John Hay's comments on public men and affairs, and my recollection of his brilliant talk has been a good annotation to his published work. I have also been helped by John T. Morse's Lincoln more than the references to it would seem to indicate. My frequent conversations with Gen. J. D. Cox, Francis A. Walker, John C. Ropes, Charles F. Adams, Thornton K. Lothrop, and George H. Monroe have been of assistance to me in the use of my material, and in arriving at proper judgments of many of the men whose deeds I have attempted to recount.

I am under great obligations to my friend Professor Edward G. Bourne of Yale University for reading carefully this volume in manuscript, and for giving me the benefit of his historical knowledge and literary criticism. I am indebted to Miss Wyman for her efficient work as my secretary, to Miss Wildman of the Boston Athenæum for intelligent aid, to Mrs. M. S. Beall for care in the copy of material in the government archives at Washington, and to my son, Daniel P. Rhodes, for a valuable literary revision of this volume.