ginia, is the Anarchist or Industrial Workers of the World orator who likes to refer to the flag of the United States as a "rag." Fortunately, Mr. Saunders, of Virginia, and the sidewalk agitator do not represent American notions of democracy. Fortunately, most Americans are gifted with imagination enough to see in the flag something besides a piece of cloth, and in the death of our soldiers and sailors something besides the performance of a job in return for value received.

MOTHER BIRD

The memorial meeting to Mother Bird held in the Bowery Mission in New York City on the 23d of April was a notable testimony of affection to a notable but little-known

woman.

Mrs. Bird, twenty years ago, widowed and childless, left her beautiful home in Montclair, New Jersey, to take up her residence in rooms in a tenement-house in one of the poorest sections of New York, just east of the Bowery. A year later she hired a house in the neighborhood, gathered about her a few women with spirit like her own, and made it a hospitable gathering-place for all her East Side neighbors. She did not believe that the confession of her Christian faith would be any hindrance to her Christian service, and she called her home the Gospel Settlement."

Her experience proved the truth of her faith, and Jews and Agnostics of every description welcomed her friendship. A boys' athletic club, growing out of the settlement, composed almost wholly of Jews, adopted, of their own motion, as their name the "Gospel Athletic Club."

Presently she identified herself with the Bowery Mission, and brought into it a new inspiration and the accession of a new life. The Thursday and Sunday evening meetings of this Mission soon became a part of her life. She secured the necessary means to give to the lodging-house men who attended these meetings a simple supper of bread and coffee.

The memorial meeting to Mrs. Bird was held in this Bowery Mission. The hall was crowded, and not all who wished to gain admittance could do so. Save for a few friends from other parts of the city, the audience was almost wholly composed of men from the Bowery lodging-houses, and the meeting almost wholly consisted of personal testimonies of affection for Mother Bird." She never patronized, never rebuked, never cajoled, never coddled. But these lodging-house men were her "boys," and their title for her, "Mother Bird," truly interpreted their feeling for her and her feeling for them. Like a true mother, she respected her boys, however far wrong they had gone, and, if there was any partiality, she loved most those who most needed her love. "On her way to the meeting," said one of these lodgers, "she would invite us to come, and if we said we would come, we had to go whether we wanted to or not, so we would hide in halls and doorways to escape the invitation." Her faith in them was the one hold they had left on life, and they would not destroy it. Their fear of losing her respect interprets the enigmatical text, "There is mercy with thee, therefore shalt thou be feared." It was reported at that memorial meeting that in seven years twenty-four thousand men had been helped to a job by the Bowery Mission. Some of them doubtless were honest and industrious men out of work, but many of them were tramps and vagabonds, outcasts from society, whom Mother Bird and her likeminded associates had put upon their feet.

No one with a heart for humanity in his breast could hear the testimony of some of these men telling what Christian love had done for them, and still doubt that there is power in real Christianity. We do not have to look back over a gap of nineteen centuries for evidences of that power.

T

HE offer of the "ABC" countriesArgentina, Brazil, and Chile-to mediate in the Mexican problem has called forth interesting foreign comment. France in general, Paris in particular, has had a special interest in the subject of mediation ever since 1838. We may reflect with pride that in that year an American, our Minister at Paris, Lewis Cass, propounded the principle of mediation. Curiously enough, the conflict which suggested our action was also one with Mexico. Mr. Cass was instructed to offer his assistance in any form which might prove beneficial in solving the question between France and Mexico, and he stated that the American President" would not feel any delicacy in tendering his good offices." The terms "good offices and "mediation" have become synonymous.

It is not very probable that he will cede his place to his adversaries, whom he has been doggedly opposing for months, just at the moment when he is appealed to as representing the sole regular government of his country.

The better-known" Figaro," whose editor, Gaston Calmette, was recently murdered, also wonders whether Huerta will be disposed to let himself be eliminated. The "Figaro" remarks:

He is an Indian, and as such is as far removed in sentiments from the Latins of the South as from the Americans of the North. It is to be feared he may resist the former just as he has resisted the latter, for he is foxy, obstinate, and energetic.

On the other hand, the Paris "Excelsior " is more interested in the significance of the mediation of Brazil, Argentina, and Chile, saying that "many will be inclined to read in it the signs of a South American resolve to raise a barrier against the encroachment of the new Monroeism."

In sympathy with many other European papers, some of the English journals warn the United States against any notion of a war of conquest, declaring, in the words of the London " Morning Post," that, if such appearance exists, "all South America will be against us."

Concerning Huerta, the "Morning Post" would not be surprised if he should regard the acceptance of mediation as a climb down" and should persuade himself that by standing firm his triumph is assured. On the other hand, the "Post" warns him that if he expects the United States to shrink from the last resort, "whatever efforts and sacrifices may be necessary to secure victory for her cause, he is making a grave mistake and will be rudely undeceived." Finally, the "Post" commends President Wilson for taking advantage of an honorable means of escape from a difficult situation.

The London "Daily Graphic," however, expresses doubt that any mediation will avail to settle the conflict between the two countries, for this reason:

It is even possible that it may easily commit the mediators to terms which President Wilson cannot accept. In that case the war would have to proceed with the sympathy of the whole of Latin America overtly on Mexico's side.

"

The London Daily Express " disparages what it calls" President Wilson's doctrinaire sentimentalism," and adds that "perhaps it would make things easier to admit, among other things, that war is war."

The London 66 Daily News," while admitting that our acceptance of the offer of mediation may tend to restore confidence between North and South America, points out that

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one sees in the offer itself the shadow of a still larger disaster. It is tragic irony that the future peace and prosperity of the whole of the New World is now endangered for the sake of a man like Huerta."

Finally, we have the comment of the highly respected and influential London Times." It, too, points out that the offer of mediation and its acceptance may have an important, perhaps a vital, bearing on the relations between the United States and all Latin America, and adds:

Whatever may be the effect of this development, it cannot be doubted that it will produce an impression favorable to the United States in Latin America. President Wilson's acceptance of mediation will tend to allay the alarms and misgivings in reference to the new Monroe Doctrine, and will do much to convince the Latin-Americans that, whatever imperialist ambitions exist in some quarters in the United States, President Wilson does not share them.

T

HE strike in southeastern Colorado has been in progress more than seven months. From the beginning the situation was serious. The miners had been accumulating arms and ammunition for many months. As soon as the strike was declared the mine properties were policed by detective agencies and deputy sheriffs, many of the latter also being furnished by the detective agencies. These at once became a source of irritation. Fighting between guards and strikers became general over practically the entire affected territory. Some of these guards and miners had been pitted against each other in previous strikes. The situation became so desperate that one month after the strike began the Governor called out the militia. This force, consisting of about twelve hundred men, was under command of Adjutant-General John Chase, and was well officered and equipped. The strikers, believing that they would be protected against the offensive actions of the professional guards and gunmen, appeared to welcome the advent of the militia. Some of the miners were scattered over the strike area, but the greater part were grouped in the tent colonies, each of which was located near the mines in which the men had previously worked. Their plan of campaign seemed to be to shut every mine possible, and then keep them closed by picketing. This policy at first promised to succeed. Only a few strike-breakers were imported. When the militia were ordered to the district, orders were given to disarm the

strikers and prevent the importation of strikebreakers. Upon the refusal of the strikers to surrender their arms this policy was changed, and all strike-breakers lawfully brought in were allowed to go to work. The presence of the militia prevented forcible picketing. From this time forward the battle went steadily against the strikers.

The conduct of the militia under General Chase was such as to bring great credit to the State. During the whole stay of the main body of the State forces, so far as can be learned, not a person was killed or injured by militiamen, no property save firearms was either destroyed or confiscated. In a few instances persons were unlawfully imprisoned, but the circumstances in every case seemed to render such action imperative. The professional guards employed by the operators were restrained, their machine guns taken from them and many of them sent from the territory, and a reign of order and justice instituted. As usual in such cases, the extremists on both sides were displeased with such conduct. By some the tactics of the Governor and Adjutant-General were characterized as weak and vacillating because they refused to be cruel. The Labor party charged them with being subservient to the operators, and tyrannical in their treatment of the miners. For the first charge there were doubtless some grounds, for the latter there were none. For six months a continual warfare of words was waged. "Mother" Jones frequently spoke at the camps and tent

colonies. Whatever one may think of the character of this woman, it must be admitted that she has a perfect genius for agitation. So inflammatory were her utterances that she was arrested and held prisoner by the militia on the charge of inciting to riot. This act aroused a perfect flame of indignation among the strikers. An army of women attempted to rescue her from the hospital in Trinidad where she was confined. This procession was turned back by the soldiers. The handling to which the women were subjected did not improve matters in the least. Other incidents similar to this attended the campaign of agitation. In spite of all this there was practically no rioting, though there seemed to be a steadily increasing resentment on the part of the miners. The situation, however, rapidly became so favorable that the State began gradually withdrawing the troops. About two weeks ago the force was reduced to less than two hundred men distributed along the Colorado and Southern Railroad from Walsenburg to Trinidad, a distance of some sixty miles. The principal mining centers along this road are Rugby, Aguilar, Ludlow, and Forbes, the largest tent colony being at Ludlow. The union headquarters for this part of the strike district were located at Ludlow. Here was located a detachment of militia consisting of about forty men and officers. It seems that considerable friction had developed between the soldiers and strikers. The mines of this vicinity were running with almost a full force of men and to all appearances the strike was lost.

Such was the situation at Ludlow Sunday, April 19. On the afternoon of that day a young man employed by one of the companies was fired upon and killed. Early Monday morning two men in a buggy were fired upon by a number of men, the volley killing one of them. During the night of Sunday there was some firing in the hills near Ludlow. The militia did some scouting during the night, but did not suppose anything unusual would come of it. Early Monday morning the captain of the militia asked a conference with the strike leader, a Greek named Tikas, concerning the importation of arms and ammunition, thought to have been going on to a large extent. While this conference was in progress general firing began between the strikers and militia. Each side claims that the other fired the first shot. Ludlow, where thebattle began, is situated on the prairie nearly a mile from the hills, the only cove, near being

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a low fill at the railway and several arroyos— that is, deep erosions made by water. day the soldiers held their position behind the fill, while the strikers were scattered over the prairie, having taken cover in the arroyos together with the greater part of the women and children. Near nightfall many women and children were removed to places of safety and cared for by the soldiers. The battle raged all day, the soldiers being fired upon from several directions. The militia claim that they did not at any time fire in the direction of the tent colony except when it was absolutely necessary to return fire from that direction; that women and children struck by bullets were needlessly exposed, and that, retreat across the prairie being impossible, firing was the only course open to them. The strikers I claim that the soldiers fired first, and continued firing at the women and children as well as the men. Machine guns were used by the soldiers, but the strikers' cover was so well selected that they had little or no effect. About six o'clock the tent colony began to burn. There is dispute as to how the fire began. The strikers claim that it was applied by soldiers; the soldiers, that an overturned stove or an explosion in one of the tents was the cause. Not a tent was left of the large number required for the accommodation of several hundred people. After the fire a search revealed the bodies of eleven women and children who had chosen to seek shelter in safety pits under the tents and had been suffocated by gas from the burning tents. The firing continued in the hills and over the prairie during the entire night of Monday, the 20th of April. During the day detachments of soldiers arrived from other camps and armed strikers hurried to join their comrades at Ludlow. It is estimated that some four hundred strikers were engaged in the first battle.

During the next day, Tuesday, many strikers voluntarily came into the Ludlow district and intrenched themselves in the hills. These were armed with high-power rifles and carried large supplies of ammunition. During the next three days they destroyed millions of dollars' worth of mine property and kept the militia almost constantly engaged. Wednesday the soldiers who had been released from duty were mobilized at Denver and Pueblo and entrained for Ludlow. At the Southwestern mine the superintendent and a company of others had taken refuge in the entry. The opening

to this had been dynamited, thus rendering them prisoners. They were released. Little resistance was met by the troop train, strikers all along the line having retreated before the approaching troops. When the soldiers reached Ludlow, a truce was arranged for the entire day. On Saturday, the 25th, a conference lasting almost the entire day was held between General Chase and the strike leaders. At this conference the truce was extended. It is not known nor can it be known till the situation becomes more quiet just what the loss of life has been. The known dead are eight strikers, eleven women and children who were suffocated in the safety pits, and one soldier, in addition to several killed in other parts of the district since noon, Sunday, April 19. The death list will probably reach thirtyfive.

The situation at present (April 26) is serious. About seven hundred militiamen are encamped near Ludlow, which is twenty miles from Trinidad. The officers and men are determined and in no pleasant mood. It is estimated that there are three thousand armed strikers in the camps and in the hills. They have access to plentiful stores of supplies and are fairly well organized and disciplined. They have seen their dead, and are wrought to a very high pitch of excitement by the week of funerals, the sight of the bereaved, and the destruction of their homes. Lately many of their bitter enemies, the gunmen supplied by the detective agencies, have been enlisted in the militia. At union headquarters rifles, ammunition, and supplies were openly given out to men who as openly departed through the streets for the scene of conflict. Trinidad streets are filled with strikers who are tense with excitement and extremely suspicious. The least thing might precipitate a terrible situation there. I was there during the entire day Saturday. Several hundred men were on the streets with rifles in their

Denver, Colorado, April 22, 1914.-Organize the men in your community in companies of volunteers to protect the people of Colorado against the murder and cremation of men, women, and children by armed assassins in the employ of coal corporations, serving under the guise of State militiamen.

Gather together for defensive purposes all arms and ammunition legally available. Send name of leader of your company and actual number of men enlisted at once by wire, phone or mail to W. T. Hickey, Secretary of the State Federation of Labor.

Hold all companies subject to order.

People having arms to spare for these defensive measures are requested to furnish same to these local companies, and where no companies exist, send them to the State Federation of Labor.

The State is furnishing us no protection and we must protect ourselves, our wives, and children from these murderous assassins. We seek no quarrel with the State and we expect to break no law. We intend to exercise our lawful right as citizens, to defend our homes and our constitutional rights.

In responding to the call the strikers made use of terms similar to those in the call, doing everything with the same openness. Here is

a report of a typical action :

"Jack Cassidy, leader of the strikers at Lafayette, reported at noon to-day that 200 men had formed four companies, and are ready to respond to the miners' call at once. Erie formed a company last night."

The greater part of the strike field lies in the counties of Las Animas and Huerfano. In these counties there are approximately forty mining villages with a total population of some thirty thousand, eighty-one per cent of whom are foreign-speaking people, principally Italians, Mexicans, and Slavs.

These towns are almost entirely cut off from the social life of the outside world. The camps are situated in the canyons between the foothills of the front range of the Rocky Mountains. To the west are the high ranges, to the east the almost uninhabited plains. The mining villages are from