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the place of rendezvous. A Virginian, referring to this tardiness, wrote: "If Glory cannot fire us, let Shame confound us: Hark, the distant March sounds Britons strike home, revenge, revenge your Country's Wrong. Either let us undertake this Glorious Cause with the true Spirit of a British Adventurer, or admit ourselves dwindled to meer Savages, hiding our Heads in Infamy, while our Neighbours share the Rewards and Honours due to Patriotism.” i A New Yorker remarked that, “One would imagine the Honour of having their Governour appointed General of the Forces, should have excited their Zeal and redoubled their Vigour, on this glorious Occasion"; and said they contributed "a small Number indeed, for a People who have assumed that vain Motto to their Arms of En Dat Virginia Quartam.? This government voted "a sum of money not exceeding four thousand pounds, towards defraying the expence of enlisting, arming, cloathing, victualing, and transporting the Soldiers.”


Meanwhile Massachusetts, led by the enthusiasm of Shirley, wrought strenuously for the success of the enterprise. Hopes ran high. The men at Albany, Louisburg and in New England eagerly waited for the regulars and the fleet, since their arrival was to sound the alarm for action. The Indian allies of New York thirsted for a chance to revenge themselves. In England a fleet and many transports had been collected at Portsmouth; but after several embarkations and debarkations, the British ministry altered the destination of the English regulars, for a descent on Brittany in France. On May 30th, 1747, the Duke of Newcastle wrote to Shirley, directing that

Virginia Gazette, reprinted in Parker's N. Y. Post-Boy, No. 185, for August 4th, 1746.

? Parker's N. Y. Post-Boy, No. 190, for Sept. 8th, 1746.

* Virginia Acts (Williamsburg, 1752), p. 207; also in Hening's Statutes of Va., Vol. V. pp. 401-404.

4 Rolt, Vol. IV., p. 346. See also reasons on last page of this monograph.

the provincial forces be disbanded, as the following extract shows:

“His Majesty has been pleased to direct me to signify to you His Pleasure, that you should immediately appoint & Meeting with Commodore Knowles at such Place as shall be agreed upon, and consider with him the present State of Nova Scotia and Louisbourg, and take the proper Measures for the Defence of those Places.

“It is His Majesty's Pleasure you should endeavour to compleat from out of the Americans which are now raised for His Majesty's Service, Sir William Pepperrell's Regiment, and your own.

"Lieutenant General Phillip's Regiment, is, I am afraid, very weak; I will, however, send him His Majesty's Orders to send what Recruits can be got from hence: And you will also endeavour to have his Regiment compleated out of the Americans.

“As it is His Majesty's Intention that the Americans should be immediately discharged, except only such few as are mention'd above, the Manner of discharging them, the Satisfaction for their Time, &c. must be left to Commodore Knowles and yourself; the King however is perswaded you will do it as cheap as possible.

“And as these American Troops have done little or no Service hitherto, it is hoped they will not expect to be paid in the Manner they would have been, had they actually been employ'd on Service. And it seems highly reasonable, that such of these Troops as have remain'd in the Provinces where they were inlisted, should be contented with less Pay than such of them as may have marched into other Provinces.

“When you and Mr. Knowles shall have met, and fully consider'd the Service to be undertaken, in the Manner abovedirected, and shall have agreed what Numbers of Americans it will be necessary to keep in Pay for that Purpose, it is His Majesty's Pleasure, that you should procure an Account of the whole Expence incurred on Account of the American Troops, from the Time of their being levied, to the Time of their Discharge; and when the same shall be fully adjusted and liquidated, you will transmit it to me, with the proper Vouchers, from the several Governors, that it may be laid before Parliament, to the End that Provision may be made for the Payment. And in the mean Time, in order to prevent any Complaint amongst the Men that have been inlisted, you will recommend it to the Governors of the Provinces where these Levies have been made, to procure Credit from

the respective Assemblies for that Purpose; which His Majesty hopes may be done without Difficulty. ... And as to the Americans in general, except only such as may be wanted for the Service above-mention'd, it is His Majesty's Pleasure, that you, in Conjunction with Commodore Knowles, should thank them in such Manner as you think proper, and immediately discharge them upon the best and cheapest Foot you can; and in Order thereto, you will consult with the respective Governors upon the Manner of doing it: And you will transmit to His Majesty, an immediate Account of what you shall do therein.”

In October, 1747, Shirley and Knowles issued a proclamation, “that the King, finding it necessary to employ the greater part of his forces to aid his allies and to defend the liberties of Europe, had thought proper to lay aside for the present the intended expedition against Canada.” 1

Even the desire of Shirley to use some of the men raised for a more modest expedition against Crown Point was doomed to fail. Thus ended a scheme which had been well-concerted, and which gave every promise of success. It had been entered upon primarily at the expense of the mother country, and failure to execute it proved a tremendous waste, aggregating several millions of dollars, as reckoned by us today.

Chalmers's Papers. The proclamation is also printed in Records of Rhode Island, Vol. V. General Sinclair's forces and Admiral Lestock's squadron were ready to sail for North America, but “contrary winds" delayed them. Meanwhile Knowles had informed the Secretary of the Admiralty that Louisburg was "the most miserable ruinous place” he ever beheld. It was, therefore, considered unfit for winterquarters for the English regulars, and Boston, suggested hy Lestock as an alternative, was not chosen, for reasons shown in the following extract from the joint letter of the Duke of Newcastle to Lestock and Sinclair, August 26th, 1746, contempory transcript in N. Y. Public Library: “ His Majesty finding, by your former letters, that it would be impracticable for you to proceed this Season with the Squadron and Troops under your Command further than Boston, and being desirous that they shou'd be employ'd at present, in such manner as shou'd be most for His Majesty's Service, and consistent with the King's intention of sending them to North America, as early in the Spring, as the Navigation in those Seas will permit, The King has commanded me to acquaint you with his Pleasure, that you shou'd forthwith sail with all the Ships and Transports that are design'd for North America, either to Port L'Orient, or to Rochefort, or to Rochelle, and endeavour to make Yourselves Masters of such of them as You shall think it most adviseable to attempt" (etc.).

2 An elaborate report of the respective claims by the colonies for reimbursement, dated February, 1749-1750, shows that the total sum charged was £273,139 1sh. 11 d.; and the amount actually paid out at that time was £235,817 1sh. Chalmers's Papers. A discussion of the expenses incurred by Massachusetts is given in Some Observations Relating to the Present Circumstances of the Province of Massa"usetts Bay, Boston, 1750. This is a pamphlet of twenty pages.




The movements and personal influences which tended to the development of religious liberty in England in the Seventeenth Century were extremely complex and are difficult to trace. The establishment of the supremacy of the Sovereign, as the head of the Church, by Henry VIII. and the revival of learning in the Sixteenth Century, set in action ecclesiastical and political forces which in their peculiar interaction required more than three hundred years to work out their result. With the advent of Edward VI. the rising individuality in religion, nourished by the New Learning, proceeded swiftly to reforms for which the mass of the people were not ready. After the short and fierce Catholic reaction under Mary was over, during which the nascent Protestantism was put down in fire and blood, these reforming and liberalizing forces gained fresh headway; but though active, seething and showing abundant strength, they were kept in abeyance by the extraordinary statesmanship, tact and vigor of Elizabeth. Conformity was insisted upon mainly for political, rather than for religious causes. Punishment was dealt out alike to Papist and Non-conformist. No less than one hundred and eighty-seven persons suffered death under Elizabeth by the laws against Catholic priests and Catholic converts; and though in far less number Brownists, Separatists and Puritans were imprisoned and hanged with impartial severity. It is a mistake to suppose that all these were pure lovers of religious freedom, and were persecuted

accordingly. Many of them were simply disorderly and fanatical mischief-makers, impossible to be tolerated. Some, however, were thoughtful and conscientious supporters, not only of religious but of civil liberty, far in advance of their times. For these England became a difficult place, and later going forth to Holland and America they gave to religious liberty at once its clearest definition and its most practical, though far from perfect realization.

But these were only a fragment. Plenty of this leaven remained in England. In the subsequent reigns of James I. and Charles I. its effects were seen in struggles of the most complicated character which finally issued in the execution of the king, the advent of Cromwell, the profound lessons of Commonwealth and Protectorate, the restoration of the Monarchy, and the Toleration Act of 1689. In all this long struggle for religious freedom, Protestant dissent played the most important part. The Puritan occupied the most conspicuous position on the stage. He on the whole had the earliest and clearest vision, gave the most definite testimony, suffered, at the time, if we except the Catholics, the most privations, and in the retrospect has probably received rather more than his full measure of credit and glory.

Especially have we in New England, rejoicing in our heritage, been disposed minutely to investigate and graphically to make the most of the achievements of the Puritan party, both in England and America. This is entirely commendable. But something is to be said for those who from first to last remained in the communion of the English Church and did what they could to fight out the battle for religious freedom within her ranks. They played no small or unhandsome part in the great achievement, though they have been comparatively overlooked. There was always an influential remnant of Churchmen, both lay and clerical, whose learning, social standing and sobriety of judgment gave them a conserving power which

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