him to a little repose in the lap of that public to whose welfare his youth had been dedicated. Surely, that principle of humanity, which stimulates those in power to commiserate in this manner the situation of neglected merit, possesses a nobleness, a gene rosity, a benevolence, which instead of incurring the censure of any, ought to command the admiration and praise of all.

I repeat then, Sir, that it is not this treaty, it is the Earl of Shelburne alone whom the movers of this question are desirous to wound. This is the object which has raised this storm of faction; this is the aim of the unnatural coalition to which I have alluded. If, however, the baneful alliance is not already formed, if this ill-omened marriage is not already solemnized, I know a just and lawful impediment, and, in the name of the public safety, I here forbid the banns.

My own share in the censure, pointed by the motion before the House against His Majesty's ministers, I will bear with fortitude, because my own heart tells me I have not acted wrong. To this monitor, who never did, and, I trust, never will, deceive me, I will confidently repair, as to an adequate asylum from all the clamour which interested faction can raise. I was not very eager to come in, and shall have no great reluctance to go out, whenever the public are disposed to dismiss me from their service. It has been the great object of my short official existence to do the duties of my station with all the ability and address in my power, and with a fidelity and honour which should bear me up, and give me confidence, under every possible contingency or disappointment. I can say with sincerity, I never had a wish which did not terminate in the dearest interests of the nation. I will at the same time imitate the honourable gentleman's candour, and confess, that I too have my ambition. High situation, and great influence, are desirable objects to most men, and objects which I am not ashamed to pursue, which I am even solicitous to possess, whenever they can be acquired with honour, and retained with dignity. On these respectable conditions, I am not less ambitious to be great and powerful than it is natural for a young man, with such brilliant examples before him, to be.

But even these objects I am not beneath relinquishing, the mo ment my duty to my country, my character, and my friends, ren ders such a sacrifice indispensable. Then I hope to retire, not disappointed, but triumphant; triumphant in the conviction that my talents, humble as they are, have been earnestly, zealously, and strenuously, employed to the best of my apprehension, in promoting the truest welfare of my country; and that, however I may stand chargeable with weakness of understanding, or error of judgment, nothing can be imputed to my official capacity which bears the most distant connection with an interested, a corrupt, or a dishonest intention. But it is not any part of my plan, when the time shall come that I quit my present station, to threaten the repose of my country, and erect, like the honourable gentleman, a fortress and a refuge for disappointed ambi tion. The self-created and self-appointed successors to the present administration, have asserted with much confidence, that this is likely to be the case. I can assure them, however, when they come from that side of the House to this, I will for one most readily and cordially accept the exchange. The only desire I would indulge and cherish on the subject is, that the service of the public may be ably, disinterestedly, and faithfully performed. To those who feel for their country as I wish to do, and will strive to do, it matters little who are out or in; but it matters much that her affairs be conducted with wisdom, with firmness, with dignity, and with credit. Those entrusted to my care I will resign, let me hope, into hands much better qualified to do them justice than mine. But I will not mimic the parade of the honourable gentleman in avowing an indiscriminate opposition to whoever may be appointed to succeed. I will march out with no warlike, no hostile, no menacing protestations: but hoping the new administration will have no other object in view than the real and substantial welfare of the community at large; that they will bring with them into office those truly public and patriotic principles which they formerly held, but which they abandoned in opposition; that they will save the state, and promote the great purposes of publie good, with as much steadiness,

integrity, and solid advantage, as I am confident it must one day appear the Earl of Shelburne and his colleagues have done, I promise them, before-hand, my uniform and best support on every occasion, where I can honestly and conscientiously assist them.

In short, Sir, whatever appears dishonourable or inadequate in the peace on your table, is strictly chargeable to the noble lord in the blue ribbon, whose profusion of the public's money, whose notorious temerity and obstinacy in prosecuting the war, which originated in his pernicious and oppressive policy, and whose utter incapacity to fill the station he occupied, rendered peace of any description indispensable to the preservation of the state. The small part which fell to my share in this ignominious transaction, was divided with a set of men, whom the dispassionate public must, on reflection, unite to honour. Unused as I am to the factious and jarring clamours of this day's debate, I look up to the independent part of the House, and to the public at large, if not for that impartial approbation which my conduct deserves, at least for that acquittal from blame to which my innocence entities me. I have ever been most anxious to do my utmost for the interest of my country; it has been my sole concern to act an honest and upright part, and I am disposed to think every instance of my official department will bear a fair and honourable construction. With these intentions, I ventured forward on the public attention; and can appeal with some degree of confidence to both sides of the House, for the consistency of my political conduct. My earliest impressions were in favour of the noblest and most disinterested modes of serving the public: these impressions are still dear, and will, I hope, remain for ever dear to my heart: I will cherish them as a legacy infinitely more valuable than the greatest inheritance. On these principles alone I came into parliament, and into place; and I now take the whole House to witness, that I have not been under the necessity of contradicting one public declaration I have ever made.

I am, notwithstanding, at the disposal of this House, and with

their decision, whatever it shall be, I will cheerfully comply. It is impossible to deprive me of those feelings which must always result from the sincerity of my best endeavours to fulfil with integrity every official engagement. You may take from me, Sir, the privileges and emoluments of place, but you cannot, and you shall not, take from me those habitual and warm regards for the prosperity of Great Britain, which constitute the honour, the happiness, the pride of my life; and which, I trust, death alone can extinguish. And, with this consolation, the loss of power, Sir, and the loss of fortune, though I affect not to despise them, I hope I soon shall be able to forget.

Laudo manentem; si celeres quatit

Pennas, resigno quæ dedit

probamque

Pauperiem sine dote quæro.

The three first resolutions were agreed to without opposition. Upon the fourth, the house divided,

Ayes.........207

Noes.........190

Majority for censuring the terms of the Peace

17

March 31. 1783.

THL Earl of Surrey called the attention of the House to the unsettled state of the administration; and desired to know, from the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) who had just entered the House, whether an administration had yet been formed, or whether there was a near probability of such an event taking place; as if that was the case, he observed, the necessity that enforced his motion was superseded, and he should take pleasure in not being obliged to bring it forward.

Mr. PITT said, he was to inform the noble lord, and the House,

* Public affairs continued, for several weeks after this division, in a state of great disorder; no new administration was appointed, and the negociations for power were, through the several conjunctions of parties, carried on with much violence and animosity.

that he was not competent to give official information of any thing that came within his knowledge of the forming of an administration, as his royal master had, a little time before, on that day, been graciously pleased to accept his resignation of that employ which he had the honour of filling in his government. If the noble lord, however, would accept of his personal knowledge, he would pledge himself, it was the earnest desire of his gracious sovereign to accede to the wishes and requisitions of his faithful commons, and which he had so amply testified in his answer to their address. However, though he could not take upon himself to say that an administration was formed, or when an event, which was so much to be wished for, should take place, his full reliance upon His Majesty's answer to the address firmly persuaded him, that His Majesty was anxiously employed in effectuating a purpose which was so much the wish of his people, and of his faithful commons in particular.

This explanation not proving satisfactory, the Earl of Surrey declared that he found himself the more peculiarly called upon to proceed with his motion, and he accordingly moved, "That a considerable time having now elapsed without an administration responsible for the conduct of public affairs, the interposition of this House on the present alarming crisis is become necessary."

Mr. PITT again rose to assure the House that he gave every credit to the noble mover for the best intentions. He, however, did not admit with the noble lord, that there was a necessity for such a resolution after His Majesty's answer of Wednesday, and he thought the words of that resolution were as exceptionable as its spirit. There was an indecency in the language and style of it, of which he said, he could never approve, and the spirit of it aimed at the very dissolution of the government of this country. If the most undoubted, the most constitutional, the most necessary prerogative of the crown was to be wrested from it; or if any thing like an interference of that House, tantamount to such an intention, once took place, then there was an end of the constitution, and the very political existence of this country.