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ble that the consequence of the House of Lords might be lost, the system of the country overturned, and the government end in a pure monarchy, an aristocracy, an oligarchy, or some resource equally distant from our present constitution. He desired, if he failed to enumerate any particulars connected with any part of the subject, to have them pointed out to him. He reasoned upon the sort of effect which (as he supposed) might arise from depriving the Regent of the power of creating peers, merely for a time, observing, that surely it would not be contended, that for want of such an incentive for a few months, the country was likely to be deprived of the service of men of merit. If His Majesty recovered, as they all hoped, and had reason to expect he would, the power of creating peers might be exercised by the rightful holder of the prerogative; but if unfortunately His Majesty should grow worse, and be pronounced not likely to recover for a long time, parliament would have it in its power to take off the restriction, and vest the Regent with a power, which, though not at present, he was ready to admit might in time become necessary to the carrying on of a powerful government. He mentioned the fluctuation of wealth and property in the country, and the propriety of occasionally raising monied men to the peerage, in order to give the landed interest its fair balance and share of the honours in the power of the crown to bestow, He alluded also to the sort of hands into which the conduct of public affairs was likely to fall, and said that, unless they had reason to expect, a desperate confederacy and cabal to obstruct the public measures, he saw no sort of inconvenience which could result from a temporary withholding from the Regent the power of making peers. As an abuse of the prerogative of making peers, he urged the possibility of such another confederacy and cabal forming (as had been convicted of a design. to overthrow the constitution a few years since), who might give the Regent advice which the crown would probably have rejected, and such a number of peers might be created, as might considerably embarrass the crown in carrying on the government, when His Majesty should be restored to his health. For his own part,

he meant to make no professions, but he desired that what he was going to say might be considered as the test of his future conduct; and, he declared, that he should not be found an opposer of the just and wise measures of the new government, which would remain to be discussed hereafter. He urged other arguments in the attempt to prove that the withholding of the power of making peers for a time was what they owed to the real interests of the country and the true sovereign; that it could not become prejudicial to the Regent's government; and if it should threaten to grow detrimental, they would have the remedy in their own hands-a principle which was coupled with that of doing nothing beyond the real necessity of the case. At the first view, the principles which he had laid down might be supposed not to confine themselves merely to one branch of the legislature, and it could be contended, that, às the present House of Commons had proved themselves so loyal to their sovereign, and attentive to the interests of his people, His Majesty would be happy to receive the congratulations of the same House of Commons on his recovery; but a little more consideration would shew, that this would perhaps be reserving from the people an opportunity of shewing their sense of the conduct of their representatives; and no danger could accrue to the sovereign in sending them back to their constituents, if the Regent should deem it wise or proper to embrace the measure, especially to a people whose loyalty had been so conspicuously manifested by the general and heartfelt sorrow expressed throughout the kingdom in consequence of His Majesty's melancholy situation and illness.

He now read the third resolution, which was a restriction preventing the Regent from allowing any grant, patent place, reversion, or annuity for life, excepting in particular, unavoidable cases, such as to judges, and others. As this resolution ran so much upon the principle of the preceding one, Mr. Pitt said that it was unnecessary for him to go into farther explanation of it. The fourth resolution restrained the Regent from exercising any power over the personal property of the King. Mr. Pitt on this occasion observed, that he scarcely

thought it necessary to pass this resolution, as it was not probable that His Royal Highness would interfere with His Majesty's personal property in his life-time; but, as they were acting upon parliamentary principles, he thought it his duty to submit it to the committee. The last resolution would be for intrusting the care of the royal person, during His Majesty's illness, where of course all men would be unanimous in agreeing that the royal person ought to be placed, in the guardianship of the Queen; and, with this trust, his intention was, to propose to put the whole of His Majesty's household under the authority of Her Majesty, investing her with full powers to dismiss and appoint as she should think proper. Without being invested with this control, he imagined that the Queen could not discharge the important trust committed to her care. He spoke of the officers of high rank in the household, who, though their places might justly draw forth the ambition of men of the first rank and family in the kingdom, were nevertheless only the first menial servants of His Majesty, and actually necessary to direct and superintend the greater part of His Majesty's household. He stated that these officers, such as the master of the horse, lord chamberlain, lord steward, and others, were, by many, thought high officers of state; but the fact was otherwise; they were the menial servants of the crown, and essential to its dignity and splendour. He argued against new-modelling the royal household under the present circumstances, and spoke of the anxiety and pain which he conceived it must give His Majesty, to find all those whom he had chosen to be about his royal person discharged. Possibly, His Majesty's illness might continue but a few months, perhaps a few weeks; and, in such a situation, would it, he asked, be delicate and respectful to make a change? Those who were lords of the bed-chamber, he admitted, did no great duty at present, but the equerries were employed. He owned, that this part of the arrangement was a matter of some difficulty; but when he considered what His Majesty would feel, when he waked from his trance of reason, and asked for those attendants, and was told that his subjects had taken advantage of his momentary absence

of mind, and changed them, he flattered himself that no gentleman would object to such a mark of attention being paid to His Majesty. The Regent, indeed, was different from the King; but, at the same time, the Regent ought to have a retinue adequate to the importance and the high rank of his station; and he meant to propose that he should have such a retinue, which would unquestionably be some increase of expense to the country: but, as it was unavoidably necessary to appoint a Regent, it was equally necessary to maintain the dignity of the character, and gentlemen would not, he conceived, grudge a little expense on such an occasion. He recurred again to the power to be lodged in the hands of the Queen, and urged the necessity of considering the rank of the King, the rank of the Prince of Wales, and the rank of the Queen, who was consort of the sovereign, and mother of the Regent. It was not to be supposed, therefore, that the influence arising from the patronage holden by the Queen, would operate to the detriment of the Regent's government; and, surely, to conceive as much, would be equally indecent and improper.

Mr. Pitt concluded with moving, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that, for the purpose of providing for the exercise of the King's royal authority, during the continuance of His Majesty's illness, in such manner, and to such extent, as the present circumstances of the urgent concerns of the nation appear to require, it is expedient that His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, being resident within the realm, shall be empowered to exercise and administer the royal authority, according to the laws and constitution of Great Britain, in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty, under the style and title of Regent of the kingdom, and to use, execute, and perform, in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty, all authorities, prerogatives, acts of government, and administration of the same, which belong to the King of this realm to use, execute, and perform, according to the law thereof, subject to such limitations and exceptions as shall be provided."

On the first resolution being read, Mr. Powys moved as an amendment, to leave out all the words after the word " illness," and to insert, “And

preserving the constitution of Great Britain undisturbed, and the dignity and lustre of the crown unimpaired, his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales be appointed, during the present indisposition of His Majesty, and no longer, in the name of the King, and in his stead, to exercise and administer, according to the laws and constitution of Great Britain, the regal power and government, under the style and title of Regent of the Kingdom, and to use, execute, and perform, all prerogatives, authorities, and acts of government which might have been lawfully used, executed, and performed by the Regent and Council of Regency, constituted and appointed by an act of the 5th of His present Majesty cap. 27."

The committee divided on Mr. Powys' amendment, which was rejected, Ayes.......... 154

Noes.......... 227

the original resolution then passed.

Another division took place on the second resolution,

For it............ 216

Against it........ 159

All the other resolutions, except that respecting the King's household, were then severally put and carried.

March 2. 1790.

Mr. Fox, in pursuance of the notice he had given, this day brought forward his motion for the repeal of the Test and Corporation acts,-, .concluding a long and eloquent speech with moving, "That the House will immediately resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider of so much of former acts as requires persons, before their admission into any office, civil or military, or any place of trust under the Crown, to receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper, according to the rites of the Church of England."

MR. PITT, in rising, declared, that he was anxious to deliver his sentiments at that early period of the debate, in reply to the right honourable gentleman*, on the present important question under discussion. He had, he said, stated his objections, on former occasions, to the motion; he should still continue to pursue the same, line of conduct, with this difference only, that he was but the more strengthened and confirmed in his former

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