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fore disposed to envy and obstruct the credit of those who were to be his successors. Whether to him belonged that character of mischievous ambition, which would sacrifice the principles of the constitution to a desire of power, he must leave to the House and the country to determine. They would decide, whether, in the whole of his conduct, during this unfortunate crisis, any consideration which affected his own personal situation, or any management for the sake of preserving power, appeared to have had the chief share in deciding the measures he had proposed. As to his being conscious that he did not deserve the favour of the Prince, he could only say, that he knew but one way, in which he or any man could deserve it; by having uniformly endeavoured, in a public situation, to do his duty to the King his father, and to the country at large. If, in thus endeavouring to deserve the confidence of the Prince, it should appear, that he in fact had lost it, however painful and mortifying that circumstance might be to him, and from whatever cause it might proceed, he should indeed regret it, but he could boldly say, that it was impossible he should ever repent of it.

The right honourable gentleman had thought proper to announce himself and his friends to be the successors of the present administration. He did not know on what authority the right honourable gentleman made this declaration; but, he thought, that with a view to those questions of expediency, which the right honourable gentleman had introduced, both the House and the country were obliged to him for this seasonable warning of what they would have to expect. The nation had already had experience of that right honourable gentleman, and his principles. Without meaning to use terms of reproach, or to enter into any imputation concerning his motives, it could not be denied, that they were openly and professedly active, on the ground of procuring an advantage, from the strength of a party, to nominate the ministers of the crown. It could not be denied, that it was maintained as a fundamental principle, that a minister ought at all times so to be nominated. He would therefore speak plainly. If persons, who possessed these principles, were

in reality likely to be the advisers of the Prince, in the exercise of those powers which were necessary to be given, during the present unfortunate interval, it was the strongest additional reason, if any were wanting, for being careful to consider, what the extent of those powers ought to be. It was impossible not to suppose, that, by such advisers, those powers would be perverted to a purpose, which it was indeed impossible to imagine that the Prince of Wales could, if he was aware of it, ever endure for a moment; but for which, by artifice and misrepresentation, he might unintentionally be made accessary, for the purpose of creating a permanent weight and influence, in the hands of a party, which would be dangerous to the just rights of the crown, when the moment should arrive, (so much wished, and, perhaps, so soon to be expected) of His Majesty's being able to resume the exercise of his own authority. The notice, therefore, which the right honourable gentleman in his triumph had condescended to give to the House, furnished the most irresistible reason for them deliberately to consider, lest in providing for the means of carrying on the administration, during a short and temporary interval, they might sacrifice the permanent interests of the country, in future, by laying the foundation of such measures, as might, for ever afterwards during the continuance of His Majesty's reign, obstruct the just and salutary exercise of the constitutional powers of government, in the hands of its rightful possessor, the sovereign, whom they all revered and loved.

The noble lord in the blue ribband *, like most of the gentlemen who had spoken on that side of the House, had argued, not against the truth of the resolutions, but the propriety of coming to them, and had waved any dispute on the question of right. The right honourable gentleman, though he affected, also, to object to the propriety of coming to this resolution, had directed his whole argument, as far as it went, to an invalidation of the truth of the proposition, and the maintenance of his former assertion, in favour of the existing right of the Prince of Wales. This line of argument, supported by such authority,

* Lord North.

was itself an answer to those who doubted the propriety of any resolution.

The right honourable gentleman had ventured to represent him as having declined maintaining his former assertion, "That the Prince of Wales had no more right to the regency than any other subject in the country," and he had also intimated, that he had thus retracted, in consequence of believing that not twenty persons would join in supporting that proposition. But it so happened, that he did not retract one single word of that assertion. Gentlemen might quarrel with the phrase, if they thought proper, and misrepresent it, in imitation of the right honourable gentleman, in order to cover the arguments used by a noble lord* in another place. But he was in the recollection of the House, whether when he first used the expression, he had not guarded it, as meaning to speak strictly of a claim of right, not of any reasons of preference, on the ground of discretion or expediency. He was also in their recollection, whether the right he spoke of was any other than the specific right in question, namely, the right to exercise the royal authority, under the present circumstances. He had maintained, that the Prince had no such right. If the Prince had not the right, he could not be said to have any more right than any other subject in the country. But was it any answer to the assertion, that as Prince of Wales he had no right to the regency, to say that he had other rights, different from the rest of the King's subjects, but which had nothing to do with the regency? Yet all the rights of the Prince of Wales, which had been mentioned by the noble lord alluded to, were of this description. It would be just as reasonable if the question were, whether any person had a right to a particular estate in Kent or Surry? to argue, yes he has, for he has such and such an estate in Yorkshire, and in Cornwall. With regard to the question, whether twenty persons did or did not agree in his denial of the right of the Prince of Wales, he would put the whole on that issue, that if the Prince of Wales had any such right, the resolution he had moved could not be true; and

Lord Loughborough.

he considered every person who differed from his assertion on that subject, as bound to vote against the present motion.

The right honourable gentleman, in discussing the question of right, chose also to remark, that the right of the two Houses, and the right of the Prince of Wales, were to be considered as two rival rights, and that the only question was, in favour of which the arguments preponderated. He should be perfectly ready to meet the question on this issue, if it were the true one, for the right of the two Houses was clearly supported by precedent and usage, in every similar case, by express declarations of parliament, and by positive authority of law; yet the right of the Prince of Wales was not even attempted to be supported on any of those grounds, but on pretended reasons of expediency, founded on imaginary and extravagant cases. In fact, this was not the fair issue of the argument. The right of the Prince of Wales was not to be considered as a rival right, to be argued on the same grounds as the other. It was a right which could not exist, unless it was capable of being expressly and positively proved; whereas, the right of parliament was that which existed of course, unless some other right could be proved to exclude it. It was that which, on the principles of this free constitution, must always exist in every case, where no possitive provision had been made by law, and where the necessity of the case, and the safety of the country, called for their interposition. The absence of any other right, was in itself enough to constitute the right of the two Houses; and the bare admission, that the right of the Prince of Wales was not clearly and expressly proved, virtually operated as an admission of every point under discusion.

The amendment was negatived upon a division;

Ayes........... 204
Noes............ 268

And the second and third resolutions were then put and carried. *

The following correspondence passed between Mr. Pitt and His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, during this interesting discussion:

January 16. 1789.

THE House having, in pursuance of the order of the day, resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House, on the further consideration of the State of the Nation,

MR. PITT opened his remarks by expresssing concern at perceiving that the particular situation of the country called upon

Copy of Mr. Pitt's Letter to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, left at Carlton House, on Tuesday Night, the 30th of December.

« SIR,

"The proceedings in parliament being now brought to a point, which will render it necessary to propose to the House of Commons the particular measures to be taken for supplying the defect of the personal exercise of the royal authority during the present interval, and Your Royal Highness having some time since signified your pleasure, that any communication on this subject should be in writing, I take the liberty of respectfully entreating your Royal Highness's permission to submit to your consideration the outlines of the plan which His Majesty's confidential servants humbly conceive (according to the best judgment which they are able to form) to be proper to be proposed in the present circumstances.

"It is their humble opinion, that Your Royal Highness should be empowered to exercise the royal authority in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty during His Majesty's illness, and to do all acts which might legally be done by His Majesty; with provisions, nevertheless, that the care of His Majesty's royal person, and the management of His Majesty's household, and the direction and appointment of the officers and servants therein, should be in the Queen, under such regulations as may be thought necessary: That the power to be exercised by Your Royal Highness should not extend to the granting of the real or personal property of the King, (except as far as relates to the renewal of leases,) to the granting of any office in reversion, or to the granting, for any other term than during His Majesty's pleasure, of any pension, or any office whatever, except such as must by law be granted for life, or during good behaviour; nor to the granting of any rank or dignity of the peerage of this realm to any person except His Majesty's issue, who shall have attained the age of twenty-one years.

"These are the chief points which have occurred to His Majesty's I beg leave to add, that their ideas are formed on the supposition that His Majesty's illness is only temporary, and may be of no long

servants.

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