importing, and afterwards of exporting to Britain, the produce of our colonies in Africa and America?

If we desired to give satisfaction to Ireland, and to put an end to all contention, by a system founded in equality and reciprocity, he conceived that this was a wholesome and proper measure. Every man would agree that it was desirable to give them a complete participation, if it could be done without encroaching on our navigation laws and commercial system, which were so deservedly dear to us. It should be remembered that we had already given to Ireland our intercourse with our WestIndia islands. In the late alteration of the system we had opened the way of Ireland to all foreign markets; and in doing that, we had conferred no favour, and made no concession. It was the natural right of Ireland, and the measure was a measure of justice, but not of grace. We, however, had gone farther than that: we had given them direct intercourse with our own colonies-with those colonies which we had acquired by our own treasure, and which we maintained by our own authority. This was liberal — it was a favour—it was certainly advisable to give this proof of our friendship; but it was given without reciprocity, without securing from Ireland any return, or receiving any proportionate aid towards the maintenance of trade or the protection of those colonies.

The question now was, therefore, whether, with so much given, and so little received, it would be wise to destroy that much by a niggard detention of the little that was left; or whether, by adding the little to the much already given, we might not secure a valuable return?

He knew there might be persons, who, with separate interests, or perhaps with personal interests, might start objections, and find pretexts for clamour against every national object that could be embraced; and while ear was given to such clamour, we must remain in the same unprofitable system as heretofore. But if they wished to pay respect to the advantages of quiet and security; if they desired to have a return proportional and

to be given for a return, in addition to the much which was given without any return at all: and happy would it be for Britain, if, by a profitable use of what little was left, she could yet secure the advantages which might have been so much more certainly procured in the former season.

But it was requisite to proceed to inquire what would be the effects produced by giving this extension to Ireland? The committee would be the place for detail. He would confine himself, therefore, to the general view of the subject. They had heard in popular discussions, and in those publications which were propagated so freely through the metropolis, that this measure would strike a deadly blow to the navigation laws of this kingdom. It would be said that, by this blow, that act, which was the palladium of our commerce, would be ruined. These were clamours to which he could not subscribe. He desired to know what was likely to be the extent of this boon? Would it be more than that Ireland would be able to send to Britain what she might have imported from the colonies above what was necessary to her own consumption? Was it likely that she was to become the emporium, the mart of the empire, as it was said she would? He could not believe that it would ever be the case. By emporium he supposed was meant, that Ireland would import the produce of Africa and America, afterwards to distribute it to all the world, and to Britain among the rest. If this liberty would strike a fatal blow to the commerce of England, he begged it might be remembered with whom the blow had originated. By the inconsiderate and unsystematic concessions which had been made four years ago, the blow was struck. They would not have been inconsiderate, if accompanied with provisions of a return- not if the system had been finally settled; but those concessions were inconsiderate, because we had been inclined to hide our situation, both from ourselves and others, without examining the extent of what we were giving away, and without securing the general interests of the empire: so that, if there was any danger of Ireland's becoming the emporium, and of her supplanting us either in our own or in foreign markets, it

was by the advantages given by the noble lord * whom he had then in his eye; and he trusted the nation would know and feel from whence the calamity really sprung.

No such consequence, however, was likely to ensue. Ireland did not covet the supply of the foreign markets, nor was it probable that she would furnish Britain with the produce of her own colonies in any great degree. Ireland was to have the liberty of bringing to Britain, circuitously, what she herself had the liberty of bringing directly. It must be proved that Ireland could afford this circuitous supply cheaper than Britain herself could give the direct supply, before any idea of alarm or apprehension could be raised in any bosom. That fact would be inquired into. It would be inquired, whether there was any thing in the local situation of the ports of Ireland, which would enable her to make this circuitous voyage cheaper than we could make the direct one; whether the nearest way to England was through the ports of Ireland. He had no reason to believe that the freight was cheaper from Ireland to the West Indies, than from England. Then there was to be super-added to this equal freight, the freight between Ireland and Britain, which would operate as a very great discouragement; for he had reason to believe, that this super-added freight would be, on the average, a fourth of the original freight. He wished to avoid figures and unauthorised assertions; but all this would be subject of inquiry; and to this he must add the double insurance, double commission, double port duties, and double fees, &c. all of which would operate most severely against Ireland.

There was one other observation on this part of the subject. It was not merely a question, whether Ireland should be able, by local advantages and resources, to become the carriers, but we were to compare the contest between ourselves and them. Ireland could now send a cargo to the West Indies, and bring a cargo directly to Britain; or she could invoice a part of her cargo to Britain, and part to Ireland. The question was, there

fore, whether her original cargo was to be afforded cheaper, whether her shipping and navigating were cheaper, and whether, with all these advantages, it could be possible that this circuitous trade could be cheaper than the direct trade?

All this would be searched to the bottom; and in this view of the subject, the discussion would be fair; but nothing would be more unfair than to contend, that this new commerce would be contrary to the act of navigation. It ought to be a question, how much of the wealth of this nation might centre in Ireland by this measure; but in looking into the spirit and meaning of the navigation act, nothing could be more absurd than to say that it was contrary to that act. The principle of that act was the increase of the British shipping and seamen. Here then this principle was out of the question; for in several acts, and in one passed so lately as 1778, Irish shipping and seamen were to be considered as British. There was not then that degree of danger in adding this to the other concessions which had been made to Ireland.

The other great and leading principle in this branch of the measure was the equalising of the duties on the produce and manufactures of both countries; and this he would explain very shortly. On most of the manufactures of Ireland, prohibitory duties were laid in Britain: linen, however, was a liberal exception. On the contrary, our manufactures had been imported into Ireland at low duties. It was now the question, whether, under the accumulation of our heavy taxes, it would be wise to equalise the duties, by which a country, free from those duties, might be able to meet us, and to overthrow us in their, and in our own markets? Upon this he would state some general observations as shortly as possible. A country not capable of supplying herself, could hardly meet another in a foreign market. They had not admitted our commodities totally free from duties - they bore, upon an average, about ten per cent.; but it was very natural that Ireland, with an independent legislature, should now look for perfect equality. If it be true, that, with every disadvantage on our part, our manufactures were so su

perior that we enjoyed the market, there could be no danger in admitting the Irish articles to our markets on equal duties. What strong objections could be started? Every inquiry had been made, and the manufacturers with whom he had conversed had not been alarmed at the prospect. On our side, on account of our heavy internal duties on some articles, port duties must be added on the equalising principle; and he trusted that all little obstacles would be over-ruled.

It was said, that our manufactures were all loaded with heavy taxes-it was certainly true; but with that disadvantage they had always been able to triumph over the Irish in their own markets, paying the additional ten per cent. on the importation to Ireland, and all the charges. But the low price of labour was mentioned. Would that consideration enable them to undersell us? Manufacturers thought otherwise; there were great obstacles to the planting of any manufacture. It would require time for arts and capital, and the capital could not increase without the demand also; and in an established manufacture improvement was so rapid as to bid defiance to rivalship. In some of our manufactures, too, there were natural and insurmountable objections to their competition. In the woollens, for instance, by confining the raw material to this country, the manufacture was confined also.

There might be some branches in which Ireland might rival, and perhaps beat England; but this ought not to give us pain: we must calculate from general and not partial views, and above all things, not look on Ireland with a jealous eye. It required not philosophy to reconcile us to a competition which would give us a rich customer instead of a poor one. Her prosperity would be a fresh spring to our trade.

One observation more on this branch, and that was, that the price of labour, proportionably lower now, was an advantage which would be constantly diminishing. As their manufactures and commerce increased, this advantage would be incessantly