It was incident to every proposition, that, until it should be fully exposed, those who might have the interest or inclination to raise clamour by partial statements of it, had the advantage in the conflict for a time: but when the whole could be fairly elucidated, truth would always, as it ought, have its prevalence over misrepresentation, and the delusion, though extensive, would be but momentary.

With regard to the important question, he conceived it to be simply this: What ought to be the principles on which the relative commercial interests of the two kingdoms should be settled in the system of intercourse to be established between them? In answering this question he had no difficulty in saying, that the system should be founded on principles of expediency and justice; and he was confident in saying, that, in the mode in which the King's ministers had pursued the object, they had paid regard to those principles. It had been a subject of insinuation that the steps which they had taken were not conducive to the ultimate success of the measure, and that they had embraced notions which were hostile in every conception to the end in view. He would not go minutely into the detail of the propositions which had been read by the clerk at the table, and which he confessed were the basis of the system which he meant to submit to their wisdom, because he was aware that the committee were not ripe to decide on them, and would not be competent to the discussion, until they had examined all the accounts which were already, or which might hereafter be, laid on their table.

It was his wish that those examinations should be full and minute; that time should be given them for the discussion; and that the whole should be fairly and fully investigated before they came to any determination. He did this in the confidence that, upon such mature consideration, they would find the general propositions to be founded on good sense and substantial policy. He was sensible that the smaller parts might require much curious and minute investigation; they would stand in need of correction, and perhaps of change. He trusted that he should have

the assistance of all the wisdom and information of the committee on those points; and he assured them that full time, and the utmost information, should be given for the discussion. In such a business, such a determination was essential; for it was of the greatest and most decisive importance to both kingdoms, since the end and object was no less than to establish a system that should be permanent and irrevocable.

He should confine himself to general principles in the exposi tion of the business this day. The motion with which he should conclude would fully explain the principles; it had a reference to the commercial regulations which had been read at the table, and which the Houses of Lords and Commons of Ireland had declared to be the basis of what they should consider as a proper and effectual system of intercourse. His motion did not tend to any direct point; but it led their attention to the general prospect of the scheme, accompanied with a provision which he conceived to be essential to the whole.

In treating this important question, he would beg leave to recal their attention to what had been, and what was the relative situation of the two countries. They would recollect that, from the Revolution, to a period within the memory of every man who heard him, indeed, until these very few years, the system had been that of debarring Ireland from the enjoyment and use of her own resources; to make the kingdom completely subservient to the interests and opulence of this country, without suffering her to share in the bounties of nature, in the industry of her citizens, or making them contribute to the general interests and strength of the empire- This system of cruel and abominable restraint had however been exploded. It was at once harsh and unjust, and it was as impolitic as it was oppressive; for, however necessary it might be to the partial benefit of districts in Britain, it promoted not the real prosperity and strength of the empire. That which had been the system counteracted the kindness of Providence, and suspended the industry and enterprise of man. -Ireland was put under such restraint, that she was shut out rom every species of commerce: - she was restrained from

sending the produce of her own soil to foreign markets, and all correspondence with the colonies of Britain was prohibited to her, so that she could not derive their commodities but through the medium of Britain. This was the system which had prevailed, and this was the state of thraldom in which that country had been kept ever since the Revolution. Some relaxations of the system, indeed, took place at an early period of the present century. Somewhat more of the restrictive laws were abated in` the reign of George II.; but it was not until a time nearer to our own day, and indeed within the last seven years, that the system had been completely reversed.

It was not to be expected but that when Ireland, by the more enlarged sentiments of the present age, had acquired an independent legislature, she would instantly export her produce and manufactures to all the markets of the world. She did so, and this was not all. England, without any compact or bargain, generously admitted her to a share in her colonies. She gave her liberty to import directly, and to re-export to all the world, except to Britain, the produce of her colonies. Thus much was done some years ago; but to this moment no change had taken place in the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland themselves. Some trivial points, indeed, had been changed; but no considerable change had taken place in our manufactures exported to Ireland, or in theirs imported to England. That, therefore, which had been done, was still viewed by the people of Ireland as insufficient; and clamours were excited, and suggestions published in Dublin and elsewhere, of putting duties on our produce and manufactures, under the name of protecting duties.

Having thus far relaxed from the system which had been maintained since the Revolution,- having abandoned the commercial subserviency in which we had so long persevered, and having so wisely and justly put them into a state in which they might cultivate and profit from the gifts of nature, having secured to them the advantages of their arts and industry, it was to be observed that we had abolished one system, and had

established another; but we had left the intercourse between the two countries exactly where it was. There were, he said, but two possible systems for countries situated in relation to one another like Britain and Ireland. The one, of having the smaller completely subservient, and subordinate to the greater - to make the one, as it were, an instrument of advantage, and to make all her efforts operate in favour, and conduce merely to the interest of the other. This system we had tried in respect to Ireland. The other was a participation and community of benefits, and a system of equality and fairness, which, without tending to aggrandize the one or depress the other, should seek the aggregate interests of the empire. Such a situation of commercial equality, in which there was to be a community of benefits, demanded also a community of burdens; and it was this situation in which he was anxious to place the two countries. It was on that general basis that he was solicitous of moving the proposition which he held in his hand, to complete a system which had been left unfinished and defective.

Under these circumstances, to discover the best means of uniting the two countries by the firmest and most indissoluble bands, ministers had, during the recess, employed themselves in inquiries by which they might be able to meet parliament with a rational and well-founded system. That they might form the outline of such propositions, from the mutual ideas of both countries, and that they might join in the principles on which the basis of the intercourse was to be laid, they thought it their duty not to come into the parliament of Britain until they knew what additions to the relaxations which were lately made, would be likely to give entire satisfaction to the people of Ireland; what commercial regulations they would think essential to commercial equality; and what proportion of the expense of supporting the common interests Ireland would be content to bear, on being thus made a common sharer in the benefits. They were now prepared to meet parliament with the system, founded on the intelligence of the sense of the Irish legislature on the

It was his wish to examine the system in two striking points of view, into which it naturally divided itself:

1st. To examine what would be the effects of the commercial arrangements suggested in the propositions on the table, on our particular commerce and manufactures; and,

2d. To examine the effects of an extension of the trade of Britain, in the return which Ireland would make towards the common expense.

; He would beg the indulgence of the House while he went particularly into the consideration of these branches of the subject. The first branch, viz. the commercial arrangements, again should be divided into two parts. 1st, In so far as they regarded our navigation laws, and the monopoly of our commerce with our colonies; and, 2dly, In so far as they regarded the intercourse between the two countries by the equalizing of duties.

The first branch of this subject, namely, the liberty of importing the produce of all countries importable into England, directly, from henceforth, through the medium of Ireland, was likely to attract most of the attention of the House. The alarms of the people would also be excited to this measure, and excited under names which, from long habit, we were accustomed to reverence. It would be said, that this measure would be destructive of our navigation laws, the source of our maritime strength and commercial opulence. Those who argued in this way merited, however, but little credit; for they did not seem to have taken much pains to make themselves acquainted by experience with those navigation laws. How far this new measure would depart from the spirit of those laws, would be seen from this short statement of the fact. Goods, the produce of Europe, might now be imported into Britain through Ireland, by the express authority of the navigation act. The new proposition applied only to Africa and America, for Asia was excluded, as the East-India company had the monopoly of the trade to that quarter of the world. It was therefore to be asked, whether it would be wise in this country to give to Ireland the liberty of