decent treatment of the prerogative? Is this constitutional doctrine? Is it not degrading the dignity of the sovereign? Is it not a transference of the prerogatives of the crown to the House of Commons, and a placing the royal sceptre under the mace that lies upon the table? The constitution of this country is its glory. But in what a nice adjustment does its excellence consist! Equally free from the distractions of democracy, and the tyranny of monarchy, its happiness is to be found in its mixture of parts. It was this mixed government which the prudence of our ancestors devised, and which it will be our wisdom inviolably to support. They experienced all the vicissitudes and distractions of a republic. They felt all the vassalage and despotism of a simple monarchy. They abandoned both, and by blending each together, extracted a system which has been the envy and admiration of the world. It is this scheme of government which constitutes the pride of Englishmen, and which they can never relinquish but with their lives. This system, however, it is the intention of the present address to defeat and destroy. It is the intention of this address to arrogate a power which does not belong to the House of Commons-to place a negative on the exercise of the prerogative, and to destroy the balance of power in the government as it was settled at the revolution. It has been remarked by an honourable member*, that no period of our history affords an example of ministers existing after an address, disapproving of them, from the House of Commons. But to obviate this observation, it may be proper to ask, whether the history of this country affords any instance in which a ministry have been called on to retire from office without a cause? This is a remark which merits attention, and to which it may not be improper to direct the notice of the honourable gentleman at the present moment. On what grounds of plausibility, under what pretexts then are the supplies for the service of the public to be refused? Is it on account of the arbitrary decision of the House? Have they no confidence in the conduct of administration? I will even venture to ask the honourable * Mr. Fox. gentleman whether he believes that these supplies, if granted, would be misapplied? Mr. Pitt declared, the sentiments of the public were flattering to ministry, and the addresses which had been presented to the throne were unequivocally in favour of that administration of which the house had disapproved. He expressed his disapprobation of the explicitness of the present address; he hoped gentlemen would now speak out, and that they would bring their charges against ministers. He flattered himself that the honourable gentleman's manliness and candour would lead him to this, and that he would not any longer tear in pieces the character of ministers by distant but dark invective, or unsupported allegation. He cautioned the house against entertaining an idea that the present motion was calculated to promote union—it seemed rather intended to divide and drive parties at greater distance from each other. He insisted that an union, if established at all, must exist and be formed on honourable principles -without this, all coalition was a farce, and could never be permanent. Union formed on different motives could never be of long continuance-they carried in them their very principles of division," They hold the word of promise to the ear, and break it to the sense." He concluded with apologizing to the house for delaying them so long: thus much, however, he thought it necessary to say in support of the balance of the constitution, the prerogatives of the King, and the privileges of Parliament. The question for the address was carried, Ayes......201 On the 24th of March the parliament was prorogued, and the following day dissolved by proclamation. The new parliament met on the 18th May, when Mr. Pitt took his June 8. 1784. THE order of the day being read for the further consideration of the Westminster election, Mr. Welbore Ellis submitted to the House the following resolution: "That, Thomas Corbett, Esq. bailiff of the city of Westminster, having received a precept from the sheriff of Middlesex for electing two citizens to serve in parliament for the said city, and having taken and finally closed the poll on the 17th day of May last, being the day next before the day of the return of the said writ, he be now directed forthwith to make return of his precept, and of members chosen in pursuance thereof." After Mr. Fox had delivered his sentiments at great length upon the question, Mr. PITT spoke to the following effect: SIR, If the right honourable gentleman's reason for being so desirous of securing to himself the last hearing in this debate, has been in order that his mad and violent assertions might pass without opportunity of being contradicted, I must acknowledge, indeed, the prudence and policy of his conduct in endeavouring to prevent a reply; but I must rejoice, however, when charges are brought against administration, as gross as they are unfounded, that I have the opportunity of rising to refute the charge, to contradict the assertions, to defy that right honourable gentleman to proof, and to assert with equal hardiness, and I trust, with more than equal truth, that, in no respect, has administration exercised any undue influence in no respect have they been so profligate as to furnish those means which have been hinted at in no instances have they suborned witnesses to swear away men's lives in no respect whatever have they been accessary to those violences, murders, perjuries, and that black catalogue of offences which the right honourable gentleman calls up, by way of auxiliary matter, to embellish his speech, and to assist the House in the decision of that grave, dry, constitutional question, which is all that we have this night to determine. Sir, if the right honourable gentleman has his charge to bring forward, the courts of this country are open to him: I hope, and trust, administration is not so strong as to - * Mr. Fox. be able to resist any just accusation that he can bring against them. I hope, on the other hand, administration is not so weak as to give way and yield to vehement assertions, utterly unsupported, and evidently malicious: I hope opposition is not so strong; I hope there is no faction in this country so strong, so bold, so mad with desperation and disappointment, as to throw out great and criminal charges against administration, without having either the intention, or the means, or the shadow of any means, to support the accusations which they venture so roundly to make. I am not surprised, indeed, if the right honourable gentleman should attempt to represent himself as the marked object of 'ministerial persecution. With respect, Sir, to the cruel hardship he has just complained of, namely, that he has not been allowed to have the last word in the debate, I would only beg leave to remind both him and the House, that so far from having, from his present situation, an indisputable right to the last word, it is contrary, I believe, to a standing order of your House, that he is allowed to speak at all, or even to be present in the House; for one of your standing orders says, "That if any thing shall “come in question touching the return or election of any mem"ber, he is to withdraw during the time the matter is in debate.” Such, then, is the cruel persecution carrying on against the right honourable gentleman, that, instead of being forced to be silent, and to withdraw, he is allowed to speak often ten times a day on the same question; sometimes, Sir, for three hours at a time, filling his speech with every thing that is personal, inflammatory, and invidious. I say, nevertheless, I am not surprised, if he should pretend to be the butt of ministerial persecution, — and if, by striving to excite the public compassion, he should seek to re-instate himself in that popularity which he once enjoyed, but which he so unhappily has forfeited. For it is the best and most ordinary resource of these political apostates, to court, and to offer themselves to persecution for the sake of the popular predilection and pity which usually fall upon persecuted men; it June 8. 1784. Terme by beng read for the further consideration of the VSENT SOL, M. Webere Ellis submitted to the House the falawang seating. The Thomas Corbett, Esq. bailiff of the city of Tame or received a precept from the sheriff of Middlesex org ches to serve in parliament for the said city, and nong mater and inally closed the poll on the 17th day of May last, neay men before the day of the return of the said writ, he be drasi it make return of his precept, and of members Aber Me For had delivered his sentiments at great length upon the question. Ji. Porr spoke to the following effect: Sa-the right bonourable gentleman's reason for being se nespenis of securing to himself the last hearing in this debate, serder that his mad and violent assertions might pass without apportunity of being contradicted, I must acknowledge, massi, the prudence and policy of his conduct in endeavouring prevent a reply; but I must rejoice, however, when charges ae bewaght against administration, as gross as they are unjounded, that I have the opportunity of rising to refute the cgs, to contradict the assertions, to defy that right honourthe gentisman to proof, and to assert with equal hardiness, and Iris, vith more than equal truth, that, in no respect, has siminstration exercised any undue influence-in no respect ve they bear so profigate as to furnish those means which have been hinted at-in no instances have they suborned witBeses to sweat sway men's lives-in no respect whatever have they been accessary to those violences, murders, perjuries, and that black camingue of offences which the right honourable rentem calls up, by way of auxiliary matter, to embellish his speech, and to assist the House in the decision of that grave, dry, constitutional question, which is all that we have this night as determins. Sit, if the right honourable gentleman has his charge to being card, the courts of this country are open to him: I hope, and trust, administration is not so strong as to |