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times requires of me, and I will add, the country calls aloud to me that I should defend this castle; and I am determined, therefore, I WILL defend it.

The question was carried,

Ayes.....197
Noes............177

An Address to the King in the words of the resolution was then moved by Mr. Fox, and, after a second division, was carried, and ordered to be presented to the Throne by the whole House.

March 1. 1784.

THE order of the day being read for taking into consideration His Majesty's answer to the Address of the House for the removal of ministers, Mr. Fox, after expressing his dissatisfaction at the language that had been used from the Throne, concluded with moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, most humbly to represent to His Majesty the satisfaction his faithful Commons derive from the late most gracious assurances they have received, that His Majesty concurs with them in opinion, that it concerns the honour of his crown and the welfare of his people, that the public affairs should be conducted by a firm, efficient, extended, united administration, entitled to the confidence of his people, and such as may have a tendency to put an end to the unhappy divisions and distractions of this country. To acknowledge His Majesty's paternal goodness, in his late most gracious endeavours to give effect to the object of our late dutiful representation to His

* His Majesty in his answer, after assuring the House of his earnest desire to put an end to the divisions and distractions of the country, proceeds thus:

" I shall be always desirous of taking every step most conducive to such an object: but I cannot see that it would in any degree be advanced by the dismission of those at present in my service.

"I observe, at the same time, that there is no charge or complaint suggested against my present ministers, nor is any one or more of them specifically objected to; and numbers of my subjects have expressed to me in the warmest manner their satisfaction at the late changes I have made in my councils. Under these circumstances, I trust my faithful Commons will not wish that the essential offices of executive government shall be vacated, until I see a prospect that such a plan of union as I have called for, and they pointed out, may be carried into effect."

Majesty. To lament that the failure of these His Majesty's most gracious endeavours should be considered as a final bár to the accomplishment of so salutary and desirable a purpose; and to express our concern and disappointment, that His Majesty has not been advised to take any further step towards uniting in the public service those whose joint efforts have recently appeared to His Majesty most capable of producing so happy an effect. That this House, with all humility, claims it as its right, and on every proper occasion feels it to be their bounden duty, to advise His Majesty touching the exercise of any branch of his royal prerogative. That we submit it to His Majesty's royal consideration, that the continuance of an administration, which does not possess the confidence of the representatives of the people, must be injurious to the public service. That this House can have no interest distinct and separate from that of their constituents, and that they therefore feel themselves called upon to repeat those loyal and dutiful assurances they have already expressed of their reliance on His Majesty's paternal regard for the welfare of his people, that His Majesty would graciously enable them to execute those important trusts which the constitution has vested in them, with honour to themselves and advantage to the public, by the confirmation of a new administration appointed under circumstances which may tend to conciliate the minds of his faithful Commons, and give energy and stability to His Majesty's councils. That as His Majesty's faithful Commons, upon the maturest deliberations, cannot but consider the continuance of the present ministers as an unwarrantable obstacle to His Majesty's most gracious purpose, to comply with their wishes in the formation of such an administration as His Majesty, in concurrence with the unanimous resolutions of this House, seems to think requisite in the present exigencies of the country, they feel themselves bound to remain firm in the wish expressed to His Majesty in their late humble address, and do therefore find themselves obliged again to beseech His Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to lay the foundation of a strong and stable government, by the previous removal of his present ministers."

Mr. PITT declared that he wished to avoid, as much as possible, all those repetitions of argument which had become so frequent, and had mingled themselves of late so much in the progress of debate. He wished to confine himself to what he considered the point in question, and to deliver his sentiments on this subject with as much conciseness as lay in his power, that those who speak might not be deprived of an opportunity of giving their opinions, and that those who hear might not be tired by a fatiguing and disagreeable reiteration of beaten themes

and of hacknied arguments. It had been insinuated by an honourable member*, and some others, that he was averse to union. He could by no means admit this assertion — Had he not on many occasions given the strongest evidence of his predilection for the principle? Had he not expressed these attachments repeatedly in the course of his speaking on the subject? It was his wish to erect a strong government. It was his desire to contribute all in his power to the formation and support of so desirable a system. He was therefore ready to express his sentiments of reprobation against those who opposed union, as he considered this measure as necessarily connected with the interests and the happiness of the public. But whilst he emitted these strong and decided sentiments in favour of union, he by no means thought that this desirable object would be brought nearer by the address under consideration, nor could at all be forwarded by the resignation of ministers. On this point he had already given his sentiments. Those sentiments he had seen no reason to alter.

He was equally struck at another assertion of the honourable general-It had been affirmed that the words of one side of the house aimed at the annihilation of its privileges. Good God! how could such ideas be formed or entertained? Had he in any part of his conduct, or of his past procedure, manifested any peculiar predilection in favour of monarchy, or of the undue influence of the crown? Had he, during the progress of his parliamentary conduct, wished to encroach on, or to destroy, the privileges of parliament? The constitution and the rights of the House of Commons he had always been taught to venerate. He would therefore appeal to the candour of the House, to its recollection of his expressions on this subject, whether he had not, on all occasions, and under every description of circumstances, maintained its privileges and its dignity? His opinions, his partialities, and his views, favoured those ideas; and he must have been deluded to have acted in opposition to them.

* General Conway.

But whilst he expressed his warmest sentiments for the honour and the dignity of the House of Commons, he felt himself under an obligation at the same time, to vindicate the doctrines of the honourable baronet behind him, so far as they respected the rights of the other branches of the legislature, so far as they regarded the just and constitutional prerogatives of the sovereign. These the constitution had defined with as much accuracy as it had done those of the House of Commons: and it was surely the duty of ministers, and of members of that House, equally to support the rights of both. No man was more zealous, or more unreserved, in admitting and asserting the right of the House to advise the sovereign in the exercise of all his prerogatives than he was. This had always been a sentiment which he had avowed; but that a declaration on the part of the House of their disapprobation of His Majesty's ministers, should, ipso facto, in any given instance, bind and compel the sovereign to dismiss those ministers, or oblige them to resign, was a point which he never had admitted, and would never allow. Such a sentiment of disapprobation surely placed ministers in aukward and unpleasant situations; but that it should force them to retire, he would maintain, was an unconstitutional doctrine, hostile to the prerogative of the crown, and to that balance of power, on which the excellency of our government depended. This was a point, therefore, which he was always ready to maintain, and from supporting which he hoped he would never be precluded by any false theories, or vague declamation, respecting the dignity of the House.

He alluded to the idea of a faction existing in the House, stated by his honourable friend †, and which he had asserted to be dangerous to the balance of the constitution. How far this was true, how far the conduct of the House of Commons during its late procedure justified this doctrine, and how far the address under consideration confirmed its truth, ought to be weighed, and ought to produce corresponding effects on the minds and

* Sir William Dolben.

+ Mr. Wilberforce.

votes of the members of the House. In deliberating, however, on this point, he would caution gentlemen not to be overawed by false alarms of an encroaching prerogative, by false fears of an extended monarchy, or to be decided by the ring and sound of dignity, so incessantly poured into the ear of the House on the present and past occasion. But though he was thus the opponent of all capricious decision on the appointment of ministers, he was as unfriendly to their continuance in office when disapproved of by the House of Commons on proper grounds, as by either branch of the legislature. On this account he called on the House to specify charges against administration, to prove those charges, and not capriciously to condemn an administration which had never as yet been found guilty, and had in fact, by an unaccountable obstinacy and untowardness of circumstances, been deprived of an opportunity of displaying its prudence and its zeal in the service of the public. When these accusations were proved, when these charges were substantiated, it would then be proper for ministers to resign; and if in such a case he should afterwards continue in office, he would suffer himself to be stigmatized as the champion of prerogative, and the unconstitutional supporter of the usurpations of the crown. But till this period arrived, he should reckon it his duty to adhere to the principles of the constitution, as delivered to us by our ancestors; to defend them against innovation and encroachment, and to maintain them with firmness.

Attempts have been made, said Mr. Pitt, to fix imputations of criminality on the present administration. Their sins have been stated: and one of the most glaring of them is, that the late ministry were dismissed against the sense of the House. But what is the meaning of this charge? To what conclusion does the argument, when followed up, lead? Does it not fairly admit of this comment, that it is improper for His Majesty to dismiss his ministers, provided they are approved of by the House of Commons; and that so long as they act agreeably to its sentiment, so long, and no longer are they to enjoy the patronage

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