we are firmly determined to defend against every aggreffion the dignity, rights, and intereft of the British empire.

It has given us infinite pleafure to find that the diftreffes, which were in the last year experienced from the fcarcity of corn, are now, by the bleffings of God, happily removed, and an abundant harvest affords the pleafing profpect of relief in that important article to the labouring claffes of the community; that our internal tranquillity has alfo continued undisturbed; that the general attachment of the people to the British conftitution has appeared on every occafion; and that the endeavours of those who wished to introduce anarchy and confufion into this country have been repreffed by the energy and wisdom of the laws.

to

Perfuaded as we cannot but be, from long experience of your majefty's virtues, that to defeat all the defigns of your enemies,-to reftore to your people the bleffings of fecure and honourable peace, maintain inviolate their religion, laws, and liberty, and to deliver down unimpaired to the latest pofterity the glory and happiness of thefe kingdoms, is the conftant wish of your majefty's heart, and the uniform end of all your majefty's actions; permit us moft humbly to affure your majefty, that in every measure that can conduce to thefe objects, your majefty may rely upon our firm, zealous, and affectionate fupport, which we confider as a duty which we owe to your majefty and to our country.

Amendment to the above Addrefs, moved by Earl Fitzwilliam, and negatived without a Divifion.

That this houfe, ftrongly im

preffed with the juftice and neceffity of the prefent war, carried on for the maintenance of civil and moral order in the world, and for fecuring. the balance of power in Europe, and the independence of all states, will continue to give his majesty a vigorous fupport in afferting the general caufe of his majefty and his allies, and for preferving the good faith, dignity, and honour of the crown, in full affurance that no fteps fhall be taken inconfiftent with those principles, or with the future fafety and profperity of these kingdoms: and thould the apparently hoftile difpofition of the court of Madrid, inftigated by the intrigues and menaces of the common enemy, put his majesty under the neceffity of repelling force by force, his majefty may rely on the determination of this houfe to give his majesty the most ample support in defending against every aggreffion the dignity, rights, and interefts, of the British empire.

have hitherto had. They must increase the arrogance and ferocity of the common enemy of all nations; they must fortify the credit, and fix the authority of an odious government over an enflaved people; they muft impair the confidence of all other powers in the magnanimity, conftancy, and fidelity of the British councils; and it is much to be apprehended they will inevitably tend to break the fpring of that energy, and to lower that fpirit which has characterifed in former times this high-minded nation, and which, far from finking under misfortune, has even rifen with the difficulties and dangers in which our country has been involved.

2dly, Because no peace, fuch as may be capable of recruiting the ftrength, economizing the means, augmenting the refources, and providing for the fafety of this kingdom, and its infeparable connections and dependencies, can be had with the ufurped power now exercifing authority in France, confidering the defcription, the character, and the conduct, of those who compofe that government; the methods by which they have obtained their power; the policy by which they hold it, and the maxims they have adopted, openly professed, and uniformly acted on, towards the deftruction of all governments not formed on their model and fubfervient to their domination.

3dly, Because the idea that this kingdom is competent to defend itfelf, its laws, liberties, and religion, under the general fubjugation of all Europe, is prefumptuous in the extreme, contradictory to the fuppofed motives for our prefent eager folicitations for peace, and is certainly contrary to the standing policy both of ftate and commerce,

by which Great Britain has hitherto flourished..

4thly, Becaufe, while the common enemy exercises his power over the feveral states of Europe in the way we have feen, it is impof fible long to preferve our trade, or, what cannot exift without it, our naval power. This hoftile fyftem feizes on the keys of the dominions of thefe powers, without any confideration of their friendship, their enmity, or their neutrality; prefcribes laws to them as to conquered provinces; mulets and fines them at pleafure; forces them, without any particular quarrel, into direct hoftility with this kingdom, and expels us from fuch ports and markets as the thinks fit; infomuch that (Europe remaining under its prefent flavery) there is no harbour which we can enter without her permiffion, either in a commercial or a naval character. This general interdict cannot be begged off; we muft refift it by our power, or we are already in a state of vaffalage.

5thly, Because, whilst this ufurped power fall continue thus conftituted, and thus difpofed, no fecurity whatever can be hoped for in our colonies and plantations, thofe invaluable fources of our na tional wealth and our naval power. This war has fhewn that the power prevalent in France, by intentionally diforganizing the plantation fyftem (which France had in common with all other European nations), and by inverting the order and relations therein eftablished, has been able, with a naval force altogether contemptible, and with very inconfiderable fuccours from Europe, to baffle in a great meafure the most powerful armament ever fent from this country into the West Indies, and at an expense hitherto unparalleled, and has, by

the

the force of example, and by the effects of her machinations, produced, at little or no expence to herself either of blood or treasure, univerfal defolation and ruin, by the general deftruction of every thing valuable and neceffary for cultivation, throughout feveral of our iflands, lately among the moft flourishing and productive. The new fyftem, by which these things have been effected, leaves our colonies equally endangered in peace as in war. It is therefore with this general fyftem (of which the Weft India fchene is but a ramification), that all ancient establishments are effentially at war for the fake of felf-prefervation.

6thly, Because it has been declared from the throne, and in effect the principle has been adopted by parliament, that there was no way likely to obtain a peace, commonly fafe and honourable, but through the ancient and legitimate government long established in France. That government, in its lawful fucceffion, has been folemnly recognized, and affiftance and protection as folemnly promifed to thofe Frenchmen who fhould exert themfelves in its restoration. The po litical principle upon which this recognition was made, is very far from being weakened by the corduct of the newly-invented government. Nor are our obligations of good faith, pledged on fuch ftrong motives of policy to thofe who have been found in their allegiance, diffolved, nor can they be fo, until fairly-directed efforts have been made to fecure this great fundamental point. None have yet been employed with the fmalleft degree of vigour and perfeverance.

7thly, Because the example of the great change made by the ufurpation in the moral and political 1796.

world (more dangerous than all her conquefts), is, by the prefent pro cedure, confirmed in all its force, It is the firft fuccefsful example furnished by hiftory of the fubverfion of the ancient government of a great country, and of all its laws, orders, and religion, by the corruption of mercenary armies, and by the feduction of a multitude bribed' by confifcation to fedition, in defiance of the fenfe, and to the entire deftruction of almost the whole proprietary body of the nation. The fatal effects of this example must be felt in every country. New means, new arms, new pretexts, are furnished to ambition; and new perfons are intoxicated with that poifon.

8thly, Becaufe our eagernefs in fuing for peace may induce the perfons exercifing power in France erronebufly to believe, that we act from neceffity, and are unable to continue the war; a perfuafion which, in the event of an actual peace, will operate as a temptation to them to renew that conduc which brought on the prefent war; neither fhall we have any of the ufual fecurities in peace. In their treaties they do not acknowledge the obligation of that law, which for ages has been common to all Europe. They have not the fame fentiments nor the fame ideas of their intereft in the confervation of peace, which have hitherto influ enced all regular governments; they do not in the fame manner feel public diftrefs, or the private mifery of their fubjects; they will not find the fame difficulty on the commencement of a new war, to call their whole force into fudden action, where, by the law, every citizen is a foldier, and the perfon and properties of all are liable at once to arbitrary requifitions. On (G)

the

the other hand, no attempt has been made to fhew in what manner, whether by alliances, by force, military or naval, or by the improvement and augmentation of our finances, we shall be better able to refift their hoftile attempts, after the peace, than at the prefent hour. If we remain armed, we cannot reap the ordinary advantage of peace in economy; if we difarm, we fhall be fubject to be driven into a new war, under every circumstance of disadvantage, unlefs we now prepare ourselves to fuffer with patience and fubmiffion whatever infults, indignities, and injuries, we may receive from that infolent, domineering, and unjust power.

9thly, Because the inability of humbling ourselves again to folicit peace in a manner, which is a recognition of the French republic, contrary to all the principles of the war, the danger of peace, if obtained, the improbability of its duration, and the perfeverance of the enemy throughout the interval of peace in their mischievous fyftem, is not conjecture, but certainty, It has been avowed by the actual governors of France, at the very moment when they had before them our application for a paffport. They chofe that moment for publishing a ftate paper, breathing the most hoftile mind. In it they ftimulate and goad us by language the most opprobrious and offenfive. They frankly tell us, that it is not our intereft to defire peace, for that they regard peace only as the opportu nity of preparing fresh means for the annihilat on of our navai power. By making peace they do not onceal tha it will be their object "to wrest from us our maritime prepon erancv → to re establish what they invidioufly call the free

dom of the feas; to give a new impulfe to the Spanish, Dutch, and French marines; and to carry to the highest degree of profperity the induftry and commerce of thofe nations," which they ftate to be our rivals, which they charge us with "unjustly attacking, when we can no longer dupe," and which they throughout contemplate as their own dependencies, united in arms, and furnishing resources for our future humiliation and deftruction. They refort to that well known and conftant allufion of their's to ancient history, by which reprefenting "France as modern Rome, and England as modern Carthage," they accufe us of national perfidy, and hold England up " as an object to be blotted out from the face of the earth.” They falfely affert that the English nation fupports with impatience the continuance of the war, and has extorted all his majesty's overtures for peace" by complaints and reproaches;" and, above all, not only in that paffage, but throughout their official note, they fhew the moft marked adherence to that infidious and intolerable policy of their fyftem, by which they, from the commencement of the revolution, fought to trouble and fubvert all the governments in Europe. They ftudiously disjoin the English nation from its fovereign.

1othly, Because, having acted throughout the courfe of this awful and momentous crifis upon the principles he ein expreffed, and after having, on the prefent occafion, not only fully reconfidered, and jealously examined their foundnefs and validity, but gravely attended to, and fcrupulously weighed t'e merits of all thofe arguments which have been offered to induce a dereliction of them, confcienti

oufly adhering to and firmly abiding by them, I thus folemnly record them, in juftification of my own conduct, and in difcharge of the duty I owe to my king, my country, and the general interefts of civil fociety.

WENTWORTH EITZWILLIAM.

Proceedings in the House of Commons, Dec. 14, 1796, respecting a Vote of Cenfure on Adminiftration, for iffuing certain Sums of Money, without the Confent of Parliament.

On the 14th of December, Mr. Fox made the following motion in the house of commons:

"That his majefty's minifters having authorized and directed, at different times, without the consent, and during the fitting of parliament, the iffue of feveral fums of money for the service of his imperial majefty, and alfo for the fervice of the army under the prince de Condé, have acted contrary to their duty, and the truft repofed in them, and have thereby violated the conftitutional privileges of this houfe."

Mr. Bragge moved the following

amendment to Mr. Fox's motion.

He propofed to leave out from the firft word that, and to infert,

the measure of advancing the several fums of money, which appear, from the accounts prefented to the houfe in this feflion of parliament, to have been iffued for the fervice of the emperor, though not to be drawn into cedent but upon occafions of fpecial neceffity, was, under the peculiar circumftances of the cafe, a juftifiable and proper exercife of the difcretion vested in his majesty's minifters by the vote of credit, and calculated to produce confequenees which have proved highly ad

vantageous to the common cause, and to the general interests of Europe."

Mr. Fox proposed a second amendment, to infert after the word credit, in the first proposed amendment, the words,

"It being the opinion of this houfe, that certain of the fums ftated in the papers laid before this houfe, to have been iffued on the authority of the vote of credit, were not paid on the faid authority." (Negatived.)

66

Mr. Fox propofed a third amendment, to add at the end of the first propofed amendment, the words, Although no documents have been laid before the house to prove either the neceffity or the expediency of the faid measure." (Negatived.)

houfe divided, and it was rejected On Mr. Fox's original motion the by a majority of 285 to 81.

It was refolved, finally, "That the meafure of advancing the feveral fums of money, which appear from the accounts prefented to the houfe in this feffion of parliament

to have been iffued for the fervice of the emperor, though not to be

drawn into precedent but upon occafion of fpecial neceffity, was, under the peculiar circumftances of the cafe, a juftifiable and proper. exercife of the difcretion vested in his majesty's minifters by the vote of credit, and calculated to produce confequences which have proved highly advantageous to the common caufe, and to the general interefts of Europe."