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erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them.

"If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them.

"If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to be right.

As to the policy I 'seem to be pursuing,' as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Constitution.

"The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union as it was.

"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them.

"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree with them.

"My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy Slavery.

"I close as I began, with the statement that what an immense majority of the loyal millions of your countrymen require of you is a frank, declared, unqualified, ungrudging execution of the laws of the land, more especially of the Confiscation Act. That act gives freedom to the slaves of Rebels coming within our lines, or whom those lines may at any time inclose-we ask you to render it due obedience by publicly requiring all your subordinates to recognize and obey it. The Rebels are everywhere using the late anti-negro riots in the North -as they have long used your officers' treatment of negroes in the South-to convince the slaves that they have nothing to hope from a Union success-that we mean in that case to sell them into a bitter bondage to defray the cost of the war. Let them impress this as a truth on the great mass of their ignorant and credulous bondmen, and the Union will never be restored -never. We can not conquer ten millions of people united in solid phalanx against us, powerfully aided by Northern sympathizers and European allies. We must have scouts, guides, spies, cooks, teamsters, diggers, and choppers, from the Blacks of the South-whether we allow them to fight for us or not-or we shall be baffled and repelled. As one of the millions who would gladly have avoided this struggle at any sacrifice but that of principle and honor, but who now feel that the triumph of the Union is indispensable not only to the existence of our country, but to the well-being of mankind, I entreat you to render a hearty | and unequivocal obedience to the law of the "I shall try to correct errors when shown land. HORACE GREELEY. Yours, to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. The President-very unexpected- "I have here stated my purpose accordly-replied to this appeal by tele-ing to my views of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free. Yours, A. LINCOLN."

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graph in order, doubtless, to place before the public matter deemed by him important, and which had probably been prepared for issue before the receipt of the letter to which he thus obliquely responded:

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

"Hon. HORACE GREELEY:

"DEAR SIR: I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to myself through

The New York Tribune.

"If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know to be

"If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it-if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do itand if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.

"What I do about Slavery and the Colored Race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.

"I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause; and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause.

Many others called on or wrote to the President about this time, urging him to action in the spirit of Mr. Greeley's letter. He heard all with courtesy, suggesting objections that were not intended for conclusions, but rather to indicate and enforce the grave importance of the topic, the peril of making a mistake upon it, and the difficulty of reaching the

MR. LINCOLN TO THE EMANCIPATIONISTS.

Blacks with any proffer of Freedom. | The slaveholders-especially those in the loyal States--would all hear of it forthwith, and be influenced by it; the slaves in the disloyal States would receive all tidings of it through hostile channels-from those interested in deceiving and misleading them with regard to it. Even if correctly and promptly advised, what could they do? Bayonets glittered on every side; arms were borne by nearly every able-bodied White; while the Blacks could oppose to these but their empty (and shackled) hands. What good, then, could be secured by an Abolition policy? "It is a Pope's bull against the comet," suggested the President. "It will unite the South and divide the North," fiercely clamored the entire Opposition. So the President-habitually cautious, dilatory, reticent-hesitated, and demurred, and resisted-possibly after he had silently resolved that the step must finally be taken.

Mr. Lincoln was soon visited," among others, by a deputation from the various Protestant denominations of Chicago, Illinois, charged with the duty of urging on him the adoption of a more decided and vigorous policy of Emancipation. He listened to the reading of their memorial, and responded in substance as follows:

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great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our
side: for one of our soldiers, who had been
own troops, and expecting God to favor their
taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson a few
days since that he met nothing so discourag-
ing as the evident sincerity of those he was
among in their prayers. But we will talk
over the merits of the case.
Emancipation from me do, especially as we
"What good would a proclamation of
are now situated? I do not want to issue a
document that the whole world will see must
necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's
bull against the comet. Would my word free
the slaves, when I can not even enforce the
single court, or magistrate, or individual, that
Constitution in the Rebel States? Is there a
would be influenced by it there? And what
reason is there to think it would have any
greater effect upon the slaves than the late law
of Congress, which I approved, and which
offers protection and freedom to the slaves
of Rebel masters who come within our

lines? Yet I can not learn that that law has
caused a single slave to come over to us.
And, suppose they could be induced by a
proclamation of freedom from me to throw
themselves upon us, what should we do with
them? How can we feed and care for such
a multitude? Gen. Butler wrote me a few
days since that he was issuing more rations
to the slaves who have rushed to him than
to all the White troops under his command.
Gen. Butler is feeding the Whites also by
They eat, and that is all; though it is true
the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a
famine there. If, now, the pressure of the
war should call off our forces from New

Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the Blacks to Slavery again; for I am told that whenever the Rebels take any Black prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off! They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee river a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! For instance, when, after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington, under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the Rebels seized the Blacks who went along to help, and sent them into Slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the Government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do?

"The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance: the other day, four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York called as a delegation on business connected with the war; but before leaving two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general Emancipation; upon which the other two at once attacked them. "Now, then, tell me, if you please, what You know also that the last session of Con- possible result of good would follow the gress had a decided majority of anti-Slavery issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? men, yet they could not unite on this policy. Understand: I raise no objections against it And the same is true of the religious people. | on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as Why, the Rebel soldiers are praying with a Commander-in-chief of the army and navy

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in time of war, I suppose I have a right to | President closed the conference with take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I urge objections of a these pregnant words: moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the Rebellion.'

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"I admit that Slavery is at the root of the

Rebellion, or at least its sine quá non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act; but they would have been impotent without Slavery as their instrument. will also concede that Emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war; and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the Rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we could do much with the Blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the Rebels; and, indeed, thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our White troops. I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and contempt. There are 50,000 bayonets in the Union army from the Border Slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the Rebels. I do not think they all would-not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as six months ago-not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat the Rebels. Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite the people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake. This is a fundamental idea, going down about as deep as any thing."

The deputation again developed and enforced their views; and the

"Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and by night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do. I trust that, in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views, I have not in any respect injured your feel

ings.'

The deputation had scarcely returned to Chicago and reported to their constituents, when the great body of the President's supporters were electrified, while his opponents in general were only still farther alienated, by the unheralded appearance of the following proclamation:

United States of America, and Commander"I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, for the object of practically restoring the as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.

"That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all Slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of Slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the governments existing there, will be continued.

"That, on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand.eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United forever free; and the Executive GovernStates, shall be then, thenceforward, and ment of the United States, including the

LINCOLN'S FIRST PROCLAMATION OF FREEDOM.

military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

"That the Executive will, on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

"That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled 'An Act to make an additional Article of War,' approved March 13th, 1862; and which act is in the words and figures following:

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the Army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:

"SECTION 1. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due; and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial

of violating this article shall be dismissed from the

service.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act

shall take effect from and after its passage.'

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Also, to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled 'An Act to Suppress Insurrection, to Punish Treason and Rebellion, to Seize and Confiscate Property of Rebels, and for other Purposes,' approved July 16, 1862; and which sections are in the words and figures following:

“SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves

of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion

against the Government of the United States, or who

shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping

from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons, or deserted by them and coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied

by Rebel forces and afterward occupied by forces of the

United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves.

"SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave

escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except

for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the

person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that

the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive

is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not

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253

Rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or

surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service.'

"And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections above recited.

"And the Executive will in due time" recommend that all citizens of the United States, who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the Rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation between the United States and their respective States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves.

"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

"Done at the City of Washington,

this twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one [L. S.] thousand eight hundred and sixtytwo, and of the independence of the United States the eightyseventh. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

"By the President: "WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."

It has been alleged that the appearance of this document was hastened by confidential representations from our Embassadors at the Courts of Western Europe, that a recognition of the Confederacy was imminent, and could hardly be averted otherwise than by a policy of Emancipation. The then Attorney-General" has been quoted as authority for this statement; but it is still generally regarded as apocryphal. It has been likewise asserted that the President had fully decided on resorting to this policy some weeks before the Proclamation appeared, and that he only withheld it till the military situation should assume a brighter aspect. Remarks made long after

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borne arms against the United States in the present ward in Congress render highly

Edward Bates, of Missouri.

probable the assumption that its appearance was somewhat delayed, awaiting the issue of the struggle in Maryland, which terminated with the battle of Antietam."

31

There were some counterbalancing changes in the States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, as also in that of California, where the larger share of the Douglas vote of 1860 was in '62 cast for the Union tickets; but it was clear, at the close of the State Elections of that year, that the general ill success of the War for the Union, the wide-spread and increasing repugnance to Conscription, Taxation, a depreciated Currency, and high-priced Fabrics, were arraying Public Sentiment against the further prosecution of the contest. Of course, the Opposition inveighed against the management of the War and of the Finances, the treatment of Gen. McClellan, and the general inefficiency and incapacity of the Administration; but the strength of that Opposition inhered in popular repugnance to the sacrifices ex1860-PRESIDENT, 1862–Gov. or CONGRESS. acted by and the perils involved in a 295,897 306,649 prosecution of the struggle, though

Whether the open adhesion of the President at last to the policy of Emancipation did or did not contribute to the general defeat of his supporters in the State Elections which soon followed, is still fairly disputable. By those elections, Horatio Seymour was made Governor of New York and Joel Parker of New Jersey: supplanting Governors Morgan and Olden; while Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, also gave Opposition majorities; and Michigan, Wisconsin, and most other Western other Western States, showed a decided falling off in Administration strength. The general result of those elections is summed up in the following table:

States.

LINCOLN. All others. ADMIN. Opp. New York.... 362,646 312,510

New Jersey... 58,324

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62,801

208,412

210,831 133,110 172,161 160,215

88,480

66,267

86,110

66,070

...

70,409

57,922

22,069

12,668

46,710 61,307

215,616 219,140 its most general and taking clamor

178,755 184,332

118,517 128,160 deprecated only "The perversion of the War for the Union into a War

120,116 136,662

68,716 62,102

66,801 67,985 3266,014 50,898 15,754 11,442

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for the Negro." Ignoring the soldiers battling for the Union-of whom at least three-fourths voted Republican at each election wherein they were allowed to vote at all; but who had not yet been enabled to vote in the field, while their absence creADMIN. OPP ated a chasm in the Administration vote at home—it is quite probable that, had a popular election been held at any time during the lowing the Fourth of July, 1862, on the question of continuing the War or arresting it on the best attainable

14

Opp.

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1860. REPUB. Dem.

23

10

2

3

1

18

7

12

12

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57

1860-Lincoln maj.-41. 1862-Opposition maj., 10.

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NOTE-A new apportionment under the Census of 1860 terms, a majority would have voted

changed materially, between 1860 and 1862, the number

of Representatives from several of the States.

for Peace; while it is highly proba

31 Fought Sept. 17th-Proclamation of Free- Wisconsin Soldiers' Vote: Admn., 8,373; Opp., dom, dated 22d. 2,046. No other States had yet authorized their

2 Soldiers' vote: Admn., 14,874; Opp., 4,115. | soldiers in the field to vote.

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