Tennessee-Horace Maynard,* Andrew J. Clements, George W. Bridges.*

Indiana-John Law, James A. Cravens, W. McKee Dunn, William S. Holman, George W. Julian, Albert G. Porter, Daniel W. Voorhees, Albert S. White, Schuyler Colfax, William Mitchell, John P. C. Shanks.

Illinois-Elihu B. Washburne, Isaac N. Arnold, Owen Lovejoy, William Kellogg, William A. Richardson, John A. McClernand,* James C. Robinson, Philip B. Fouke, John A. Logan.*

Missouri-Francis P. Blair, Jr., James S. Rollins, John B. Clark,* Elijah H. Norton, John W. Reid, John S. Phelps,* John W. Noell.

*

Michigan-Bradley F. Granger, Fernando C. Beaman, Francis W. Kellogg, Rowland E. Trowbridge.

Iowa Samuel R. Curtis,* William Vandever.

Wisconsin-John F. Potter, Luther Hanchett,* A. Scott Sloan.

Minnesota--Cyrus Aldrich, William Win

dom.

Oregon-Andrew J. Thayer.*
Kansas-Martin F. Conway.

MEMORANDUM OF CHANGES.

Oregon-1862, Dec. 1, Benjamin F, Harding succeeded Edward D. Baker, deceased Oct. 21, 1862.

IN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Maine-1862, December 1, Thomas A. D. Fessenden succeeded Charles W. Walton, resigned May 26, 1862.

Massachusetts-1861, December 1, Amasa Walker succeeded Goldsmith F. Bailey, deceased May 8, 1862; 1861, December 2, Samuel Hooper succeeded William Appleton, resigned.

Connecticut-1861, December 2, Alfred A. Burnham qualified.

Pennsylvania-1861, December 2, Charles J. Biddle qualified; 1862, June 3, John D. Stiles succeeded Thomas B. Cooper, deceased April 4, 1862.

Virginia,-1861, July 13, John S. Carlile resigned to take a seat in the Senate; 1861, December 2, Jacob B. Blair, succeeded John S. Carlile, resigned; 1862, February 28, Charles H. Upton unseated by a vote of the House; 1862, May 6, Joseph Segar qualified.

Kentucky-1862, December, 1, George H. Yeaman succeeded James S. Jackson, deceased; 1862, March 10, Samuel L. Casey

The following changes took place during succeeded Henry C. Burnett, expelled De

the Congress:

IN SENATE.

cember 3, 1861.

Tennessee-1861, December 2, Horace Maynard qualified; 1862, January 13, Andrew J. Clements qualified; 1863, Febru

Rhode Island-1862, Dec. 1, Samuel G. Arnold succeeded James F. Simmons, re-ary 25, George W. Bridges qualified. signed.

New Jersey-1862, Dec. 1, Richard S. Field succeeded, by appointment, John R. Thompson, deceased Sept. 12, 1862. 1863, Jan. 21, James, W. Wall, succeeded, by election, Richard S. Field.

Maryland-1863, Jan. 14, Thomas H. Hicks, first by appointment and then by election succeeded James A. Pearce, deceased Dec. 20, 1862.

Virginia-1861, July 13, John S. Carlile and Waitman T. Willey, sworn in place of Robert M. T. Hunter and James M. Mason, withdrawn and abdicated.

Kentucky-1861, Dec. 23, Garrett Davis succeeded John C. Breckinridge, expelled December 4.

Indiana-1862, March 3, Joseph A. Wright succeeded Jesse D. Bright, expelled Feb. 5, 1863, Jan. 22, David Turpie, superseded, by election, Joseph A. Wright.

Illinois-1863, Jan. 30, William A. Richardson superseded, by election, O. H. Browning.

Missouri-1861, Jan. 24, R. Wilson succeeded Waldo P. Johnson, expelled Jan. 10. 1862, Jan. 29, John B. Henderson succeeded Trusten Polk, expelled Jan. 10. Michigan-1862, Jan. 17, Jacob M. Howard succeeded K. S. Bingham, deceased October 5, 1861.

*See memorandum at end of list.

Illinois--1861, December 12, A. L. Knapp qualified, in place of J. A. McClernand, resigned; 1862, June 2, William J. Allen qualified, in place of John A. Logan, resigned; 1863, January 30, William A. Rich

ardson withdrew to take a seat in the Senate.

Missouri-1862, January 21, Thomas L. Price succeeded John W. Reid, expelled December 2, 1861; 1862, January 20, William A. Hall succeeded John B. Clark, expelled July 13, 1861; 1862, May 9, John S. Phelps qualified.

Iowa-1861, December 2, James F. Wilson succeeded Samuel R. Curtis, resigned August 4, 1861.

Wisconsin-1863, January 26, Walter D. McIndoe succeeded Luther Hanchett, deceased November 24, 1862.

Oregon-1861, July 30, George K. Shiel succeeded Andrew J. Thayer, unseated.

Louisiana-1863, February 17, Michael Hahn qualified; 1863, February 23, Benjamin . Flanders qualified.

Lincoln, in his message, recited the events which had transpired since his inauguration, and asked Congress to confer upon him the power to make the conflict short and decisive. He wanted 400,000 men, and four hundred millions of money, remarking that "the people will save their

government if the government itself will tucky, to be uttered. I ask the Senator do its part only indifferently well." Con- to recollect, to what, save to send aid gress responded by adding an hundred and comfort to the enemy, do these prethousand to each request. dictions amount to? Every word thus utterThere were exciting debates and scenes ed, falls as a note of inspiration upon every during this session, for many of the South-Confederate ear. Every sound thus utterern leaders remained, either through hesi-ed, is a word, (and falling from his lips, a tancy or with a view to check legislation mighty word) of kindling and triumph to and aid their section by adverse criticism the foe that determines to advance." on the measures proposed. Most promi- The Republicans of the North were the nent in the latter list was John C. Breckin- distinctive "war party," i. e., they gave ridge, late Vice President and now Senator unqualified support to every demand made from Kentucky. With singular boldness by the Lincoln administration. Most of and eloquence he opposed every war mea- the Democrats, acting as citizens, did likesure, and spoke with the undisguised pur-wise, but many of those in official position, pose of aiding the South. He continued assuming the prerogative of a minority, this course until the close of the extra took the liberty in Congress and State session, when he accepted a General's Legislature to criticise the more important commission in the Confederate army. But war measures, and the extremists went so before its close, Senator Baker of Oregon, far, in many instances, as to organize oppoangered at his general course, said in reply sition, and to encourage it among their to one of Breckinridge's speeches, Aug. 1st: constituents. Thus in the States bordering "What would the Senator from Ken- the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, organized tucky, have? These speeches of his, sown and individual efforts were made to encourbroadcast over the land, what clear distinct age desertions, and the "Knights of the meaning have they? Are they not intend- Golden Circle," and the "Sons of Liberty," ed for disorganization in our very midst? secret societies composed of Northern symAre they not intended to destroy our zeal? pathizers with the South, formed many Are they not intended to animate our troublesome conspiracies. Through their enemies? Sir, are they not words of bril- action troops were even enlisted in Southliant polished TREASON, even in the very ern Indiana, Illinois and Missouri for the Capitol of the Republic ?" [Here there were Confederate armies, while the border States such manifestations of applause in the gal- in the Union sent whole regiments to batleries, as were with difficulty suppressed.] tle for the South. The "Knights of the Mr. Baker resumed, and turning directly Golden Circle" conspired to release Conto Mr. Breckinridge, inquired: federate prisoners of war, and invited Morgan to raid their States. One of the worst forms of opposition took shape in a conspiracy to resist the draft in New York city. The fury of the mob was several days beyond control, and troops had to be recalled from the front to suppress it. The riot was really political, the prejudices of the mob under cover of resistance to the draft, being vented on the negroes, many of whom were killed before adequate numbers could be sent to their succor. civil authorities of the city were charged with winking at the occurrence, and it was afterwards ascertained that Confederate agents really organized the riot as a movement to "take the enemy in the rear."

"What would have been thought, if, in another Capitol, in another republic, in a yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, not more eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman purple flowing over his shoulders, had risen in his place, surrounded by all the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that the cause of the advancing Hannibal was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with in terms of peace? What would have been thought if, after the battle of Cannæ, a Senator there had risen in his place, and denounced every levy of the Roman people, every expenditure of its treasure, and every appeal to the old recollections and the old glories?"

There was a silence so profound throughout the Senate and galleries, that a pinfall could have been heard, while every eye was fixed upon Breckinridge. Fessenden exclaimed in deep low tones, "he would have been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock!" Baker resumed:

The

The Republican was as distinctively the war party during the Great Rebellion, as the Whigs were during the Revolution, the Democratic-Republicans during the War of 1812, and the Democrats during the War with Mexico, and, as in all of these war decades, kept the majority sentiment of the country with them. This is such a Sir, a Senator himself learned far more plain statement of facts that it is neither than myself, in such lore, (Mr. Fessenden) partisan to assert, nor a mark of partytells me, in a low voice, "he would have fealty to deny. The history is indelibly been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock." written. It is stamped upon nearly every It is a grand commentary upon the war measure, and certainly upon every American Constitution, that we permit political measure incident to growing out these words of the Senator from Ken- of the rebellion.

66

The Sessions of the 37th Congress changed the political course of many public men. It made the Southern believers in secession still more vehement; it separated the Southern Unionists from their former friends, and created a wall of fire between them; it changed the temper of Northern Abolitionists, in so far as to drive from them all spirit of faction, all pride of methods, and compelled them to unite with a republican sentiment which was making sure advances from the original declaration that slavery should not be extended to the Territories, to emancipation, and, finally, to the arming of the slaves. It changed many Northern Democrats, and from the ranks of these, even in representative positions, the lines of the Republicans were constantly strengthened on pivotal questions. On the 27th of July Breckinridge had said in a speech: "When traitors become numerous enough treason becomes respectable." Senator Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, replied to this, and said: "God being willing, whether traitors be many or few, as I have hitherto waged war against traitors and treason, I intend to continue it to the end." And yet Johnson had the year before warmly supported Breckinridge in his presidential campaign.

These were exciting and memorable | seceded in 1861 for their services in the scenes in the several sessions of the 37th early part of that year. We recommend Congress. During the first many Southern that the claim of the petitioner be disalSenators and Representatives withdrew lowed." after angry statements of their reasons, generally in obedience to calls from their States or immediate homes. In this way the majority was changed. Others remained until the close of the first session, and then more quietly entered the rebellion. We have shown that of this class was Breckinridge, who thought he could do more good for his cause in the Federal Congress than elsewhere, and it is well for the Union that most of his colleagues disagreed with him as to the propriety and wisdom of his policy. If all had followed his lead or imitated his example, the war would in all probability have closed in another compromise, or possibly in the accomplishment of southern separations. These men could have so obstructed legislation as to make all its early periods far more discouraging than they were. As it was the Confederates had all the advantages of a free and fair start, and the effect was traceable in all of the early battles and negotiations with foreign powers. There was one way in which these advantages could have been supported and continued. Breckenridge, shrewd and able politician as he was, saw that the way was to keep Southern Representatives in Congress, at least as long as Northern sentiment would abide it, and in this way win victories at the very fountain-head of power. But at the close of the extra session this view had become unpopular at both ends of the line, and even Breckenridge abandoned it and sought to hide his original purpose by immediate service in the Confederate armies.

It will be noted that those who vacated their seats to enter the Confederacy were afterwards expelled. In this connection a curious incident can be related, occuring as late as the Senate session of 1882:

The widow of the late Senator Nicholson, of Tennessee, who was in the Senate when Tennessee seceded, a short time ago sent a petition to Congress asking that the salary of her late husband, after he returned to Tennessee, might be paid to her. Mr. Nicholson's term would have expired in 1865 had he remained in his seat. He did not appear at the special session of Congress convened in July, 1861, and with other Senators from the South was expelled from the Senate on July 11th of that year. The Senate Committee on Claims, after examining the case thoroughly, submitted to the Senate an adverse report. After giving a concise history of the case the committee say: "We do not deem it proper, after the expiration of twenty years, to pass special acts of Congress to compensate the Senators and Representatives who

Among the more conspicuous Republicans and anti-Lecompton Democrats in this session were Charles Sumner, a man who then exceeded all others in scholarly attainments and as an orator, though he was not strong in current debate. Great care and preparation marked every important effort, but no man's speeches were more admired throughout the North, and hated throughout the South, than those of Charles Sumner. An air of romance surrounded the man, because he was the first victim of a senatorial outrage, when beaten by Brooks of South Carolina; but, sneered his political enemies, "no man more carefully preserved his wounds for exhibition to a sympathetic world." He had some minor weaknesses, which were constantly displayed, and these centred in egotism and high personal pride-not very popular traits-but no enemy was so malicious as to deny his greatness.

Fessenden of Maine was one of the great lights of that day. He was apt, almost beyond example, in debate, and was a recognized leader of the Republicans until, in the attempt to impeach President Johnson, he disagreed with the majority of his party and stepped "down and out." Yet no one questioned his integrity, and all believed that his vote was cast on this question in a line with his convictions. The leading character in the House was Thad

deus Stevens, an original Abolitionist in | Douglas in the Senate; Logan, McClersentiment, but a man eminently practical nand and Richardson in the House; while and shrewd in all his methods.

prominent among the Republicans were The chances of politics often carry men Lovejoy (an original Abolitionist), Washinto the Presidential Chair, into Cabinets, burne, a candidate for the Presidential and with later and demoralizing frequency nomination in 1880–Kellogg and Arnold. into Senate seats; but chance never makes John F. Potter was one of the prominent a Commoner, and Thaddeus Stevens was Wisconsin men, who had won additional throughout the war, and up to the hour of fame by accepting the challenge to duel of his death, recognized as the great Com- Roger A. Pryor of Virginia, and naming moner of the Northern people. He led in the American rifle as the weapon. Fortuevery House battle, and a more unflinch-nately the duel did not come off. Penning party leader was never known to par-sylvania had then, as she still has, Judge liamentary bodies. Limp and infirm, he Kelley of Philadelphia, chairman of Ways was not liable to personal assault, even in and Means in the 46th Congress; also days when such assaults were common; Edward McPherson, frequently since Clerk but when on one occasion his fiery tongue of the House, temporary President of the had so exasperated the Southerners in Cincinnati Convention, whose decision Congress as to make them show their overthrew the unit rule, and author of knives and pistols, he stepped out into the several valuable political works, some of aisle, and facing, bid them defiance. He which we freely quote in this history. was a Radical of the Radicals, and con- John Hickman, subsequently a Republistantly contended that the government- can, but one of the earliest of the antithe better to preserve itself-could travel Lecompton Democrats, was an admitted outside of the Constitution. What cannot leader, a man of rare force and eloquence. be said of any other man in history, can So radical did he become that he refused be said of Thaddeus Stevens. When he to support the re-election of Lincoln. He lay dead, carried thus from Washington to was succeeded by John M. Broomall, who his home in Lancaster, with all of his made several fine speeches in favor of people knowing that he was dead, he was, the constitutional amendments touching on the day following the arrival of his slavery and civil rights. Here also were corpse, and within a few squares of his re- James Campbell, Hendricks B. Wright, sidence, unanimously renominated by the John Covode, James K. Morehead, and Republicans for Congress. If more poetic Speaker Grow-the father of the Homeand less practical sections or lands than the stead Bill, which will be found in Book North had such a hero, hallowed by such V., giving the Existing Political Laws. an incident, both the name and the incident would travel down the ages in song and story.

*

At this session Senator Trumbull of Illinois, renewed the agitation of the slavery question, by reporting from the Judiciary Committee of which he was Chairman, a bill to confiscate all property and free all slaves used for insurrectionary purposes.* Breckinridge fought the bill, as indeed he did all bills coming from the Republicans, and said if passed it would eventuate in "the loosening of all bonds." Among the facts stated in support of the measure was this, that the Confederates had at Bull Run used the negroes and slaves against the Union army a statement never well established. The bill passed the Senate by 33 to 6, and on the 3d of August passed the House, though several Republicans there voted against it, fearing a too rapid advance would prejudice the Union cause. Indeed this fear was entertained by Lincoln when he recommended

The "rising" man in the 37th Congress was Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, elected Speaker of the 38th, and subsequently Vice President. A great parliamentarian, he was gifted with rare eloquence, and with a kind which won friends without offending enemies-something too rare to last. In the House were also Justin S. Morrill, the author of the Tariff Bill which supplied the "sinews of war," Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, then "the man of Statistics" and the "watch-dog of the treasury." Roscoe Conkling was then the admitted leader of the New York delegation, as he was the admitted mental superior of any other in subsequent terms in the Senate, up to the time of his resignation in 1881. Reuben E. Fenton, his factional opponent, was also there. Ohio was strongly represented in both partiesPendleton, Cox and Vallandigham on the side of the Democrats; Bingham and Ash-in the second session of the 37th Congress, ley on the part of the Republicans. Illi- which recommendation excited official disnois showed four prominent anti-Lecomp-cussion almost up to the time the emanciton supporters of the administration-pation proclamation was issued as a war necessity. The idea of compensated eman

*This incident was related to the writer by Col. A. K. McClure of Philadelphia, who was in Lancaster at the time.

COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION

*Arnold's "History of Abraham Lincoln."