that this American Union is the best, the brightest, the last experiment of self-government, and as it shall be sustained and perpetuated, or broken and dissolved, the light of liberty shall beam upon the hopes of mankind, or be for ever extinguished, amid the scoffs of exulting tyrants, and the groans of a world in bondage (loud applause). All nations and ages will soon acknowledge that, in this contest, we have made greater sacrifices of blood and treasure in the cause of human freedom than was ever before recorded in history. We will have suppressed the most gigantic and the most wicked rebellion, a task that could have been accomplished by no other Government. We have succeeded, because our institutions rest on the broad basis of the affections, the interests, and the power of the people. No other nation could bring a million of volunteers to the field (loud cheers), and millions more would come if necessary. As a result of this war, we will extinguish slavery, we will perpetuate and consolidate the Union, we will prove that man is capable of selfgovernment, and secure the ultimate ascendancy of free institutions throughout the world. This, therefore, is a day in which all humanity may unite withi us in the hymn of praise, and the toiling millions of the earth join with us in fervent thanksgiving to Almighty God for the approaching redemption of our race from slavery and oppression (loud and long continued cheering and applause).

Thanking you, Ladies and Gentlemen, for the

kind indulgence with which you have been pleased to receive these remarks, I will now proceed to the toasts which have been prepared for the occasion. Ladies and Gentlemen, the first toast will be "The President of the United States," under whose proclamation we are this day convened. Before asking you to drink to that toast, I would say that we are honoured by the presence this evening of his Excellency the American Minister, Mr. Adams, who will reply to this sentiment (prolonged applause). This is a name for a century, and during three generations most honourably and conspicuously connected with the cause of our country and of human liberty. The grandfather and father of our American Minister, were each elevated to the Presidency of the United States by the votes of the American people. The first, the illustrious John Adams, moved, in 1776, the declaration of American independence, and supported that motion by an immortal and most eloquent address. He was the successor of the peerless Washington as President of the United State. The second, John Quincy Adams, eminent for courage, for integrity, for opposition to slavery, for devotion to the cause of liberty, for learning, science, eloquence, diplomacy, and statesmanship, was the successor of President Munroe. His son, our honoured guest, inheriting the great qualities and noble principles of an illustrious ancestry, will respond to the first toast, "The President of the United States." The toast was drunk amid the most

enthusiastic applause. Three cheers for the President, called for by Mr. Walker, were given most enthusiastically.

Mr. ADAMS, the American Minister, in acknowledging the toast, said: I thank you for the honour you have done me by calling upon me to respond to the toast of the President of the United States. Of late years we have rather got out of the habit of giving any great amount of laudation to the President of the United States. There may have been causes for that which you will all understand; but I will say that with respect to our good Chief Magistrate, he has not had himself any such great amount as would be likely to turn his head (laughter)-not half so much, Mr. Chairman, as you have been kind enough to shower upon me this evening. On the contrary, it has become the practice of our people generally to hold the President responsible for any mistake that is committed by anybody, and every misfortune that happens at any time. There is hardly a single act that he does against which somebody is not found to carp. Even with respect to this proclamation, asking us to have a thanksgiving-day, I have seen it somewhere remarked, that it was a most extraordinary thing that when there seemed to be nothing but calamity in the United States, when there was an immense loss of life going on, great destruction of property, and painful distress in all classes, the President should

take this occasion to call upon his fellow citizens to give thanks to God. It seemed to indicate either great moral obtuseness, or else a savage, vindictive feeling of joy over the distress of the people whom he was trying to subject. Now, Mr.

Chairman, it is to this point that I propose to address the few remarks I mean to make to you this evening. I am perfectly willing to concede that this is a time of great calamity. I believe that the great majority, indeed almost all of our people in America, feel that it is a calamity which they would gladly have avoided if they could; but that they have been obliged to view it as much a necessary evil as if it had been an earthquake or an inundation. It was an affliction which they could not avoid. Under these circumstances, all that they could do was to apply themselves as quickly as possible to the perfection of a remedy and a restoration. This could only be done through perseverance in the war (hear, hear). But we are asked, what is the precise blessing for which we are at present to give God thanks? In order to get something like a correct idea of this matter, it will be necessary for me to recall to your minds, as briefly as possible, the course of events since the time when the President came into office. 1 scarcely need say to you, what I believe is perfectly well known to every one, that that gentleman came to his post with less of practical experience in Government than any individual had done since the foundation of the Government (cheers). He came into office at a time of the

greatest difficulty and danger which had occurred since the establishment of that office (cheers). He, as you will all recollect, found himself occupying position in which all the portions of the edifice of Government seemed crumbling around him. Why, it was exceedingly doubtful, whether the President would be able to arrive at the place where he could assume the performance of his duties. It was only by a little contrivance that he succeeded in defeating the plot which had been formed, for the seizure of his person, thus to disable the country from arriving at the constitutional organisation of the Executive Department (cheers). He came to Washington, and was qualified as President. But President of what? He looked around him on all the branches of the departments of the Executive Government, and everything seemed to be shaking about them. He looked to the organisation upon which he was to depend for action, and he found that wherever he touched, it was unsound to trust. So ingeniously had the poison of rebellion been disseminated through all the ramifications of the Government, that treachery was cropping out every where (cheers). He had to begin by a thorough scrutiny

of

men, from those occupying the uppermost seats down to almost the lowest place. There was a necessity for a searching reform, by which the lurking not less than the overt treason and treachery were to be eliminated from the executive machinery (cheers). That work has now been done (cheers). The Government in its position at Washington is