CHAPTER XV

HOLDING THE WORLD TO SOME STANDARD

The American government contended from the first for the rights of all neutrals and sought a common understanding between the allies and the central powers. The effort, however, to hold the world to some ethical standard was apparently ineffective. The slow but calculating Englishman, with disregard for previous rules of conduct, continued to widen the war zone, to increase the number of contraband articles, and to capture American vessels. The infuriated German, going the Englishman one better, marked off another war zone, called it a closed sea, and showed a determination "to exact the utmost quantity of destruction and killing from the allies, no matter what happened to innocent subjects of the allies, and no matter what absolutely innocent neutrals suffered."

It was not until America "had its own list of outrages" that this government undertook with any convincing power to bring the warring nations to some ethical standard. These outrages had already begun in April when the President, in speaking to the Press Association, declared that if any nation "wants a scrap,

an interesting scrap that is worth while, I'm his man.' Within less than a week from that day the American Oil Tank Steamer Cushing was damaged by a mine or submarine, later (May 1) the Steamer Gulflight, another American vessel, was sunk off the Scilly Islands, with a loss of three lives. But on May 7 the greatest tragedy of the war occurred. The great transatlantic liner, the Lusitania, bound from New York to Liverpool, carrying an enormous quantity of war material and having a passenger list of 2,104 men, women, and children, including 187 Americans, was sunk by a German submarine, and about 1,500 passengers were lost, including over a hundred Americans.

It really appeared at the time that one nation, at least, was looking "for a scrap" with this country. And these tragedies, culminating in the sinking of the Lusitania, aroused the war spirit in this country almost beyond the control of the few cool heads who were endeavoring to keep the government steady in the great crisis.

The American people at once indicted the whole German nation for the willful, brutal murder of innocent men, women, and children. The English nation was already convicted of forcible trespass; but, before the bar of public opinion, the trial for murder superseded all other cases on the docket, the verdict was announced simultaneously with the drawing of the indictment and summary punishment was demanded. But since the

executioner was the President of the United States, there was a stay of judgment while the partisans raged and the people imagined vain things.

This nation became so excited that the press of the country, with some notable exceptions, was clamoring for war with Germany. Many went so far as to say that the act of sinking the Lusitania was deliberately framed and executed by Germany to draw the United States into war, since that nation, already hard pressed by the allies and seeing the end, was seeking an excuse for suing for peace. Subsequent events have proven how little these prophets knew. However, many of them published newspapers and furnished the material from which even millions of American citizens made up their opinions. It was natural, therefore, for the public, having accepted the above statement, to go a step farther and reach the conclusion that the President's attitude had been wrong all the time, since he could have ended the slaughter and coaxed back to earth the beautiful dove of peace, if he had declared war, or made a noise like war, when the neutrality of Belgium was violated. His critics even went so far as to say that if he had gone down into Mexico with a big army, he would have so impressed Europe that even the European war might have been averted.

The voice was so loud for immediate war with Germany that even the thoughtful conservatives became

uneasy. In the midst of it all, however, President Wilson kept his head, while the storm raged furiously about him.

Three days after this great tragedy, President Wilson without having indicated to the public what his first act would be, journeyed to Philadelphia to address a large body of foreign-born citizens who were completing their probationary term and becoming naturalized. Those who accompanied him on that journey saw that the President of the United States was aware of the fact that he was facing the greatest crisis of his administration, and that the future of this nation would be affected greatly by the course that he chose to follow.

The Philadelphia speech contained no word to indicate that anything unusual had happened or would happen. It was a well conceived address suitable to the occasion, but containing nothing of special interest to the nation at that time save in one paragraph:

"America," he said, "must have the consciousness that on all sides it touches elbows and touches heart with all the nations of mankind. The example of America must be a special example, and must be an example not merely of peace, because it will not fight, but because peace is a healing and elevating influence of the world,

and strife is not. There is such a thing as a man being too proud to fight. There is such a thing as a nation being so right that it does not need to convince others by force that it is right."

It was the last two sentences especially that attracted attention. The entire address and the occasion have all been forgotten by the public, but these two sentences. are still quoted by controversialists who seek to prove or disprove the wisdom of his foreign policy. These sentences were caught up and ridiculed. "Too proud to fight!" And Germany slapping this nation in the face! "There is such a thing as a nation being so right that it does not need to convince others by force that it is right!" And the whole world sneering at us in our humiliation!

In all the tremendous excitement following this tragedy and the ridicule that was heaped upon these sentences, the President maintained his poise, but decided to make no more speeches for the present. Still the people waited for some sign as to what course this nation would take.

Three days after the Philadelphia speech, and six days after the tragedy, the President, by the aid of his cabinet, had prepared a note to be sent to Germany. The American people were straining every nerve to guess its contents. What words would be adequate to the offense? What could Germany do to avert war with