notices suffice to shew that the mother of harlots is no other than the mother of the

gods, my purpose is answered. Should they be thought insufficient, I have to state

tells us that Seleucus was so strong, that when a bull broke loose, he held him fast by the horns, and that therefore the statues of Seleucus had horns. If no better reason can be given, I should suspect that there is something more than a similarity of sound in Seleucus and Seljuk. Ammianus Marcellinus tells us, that on the death of Alexander, Arsaces, a Parthian of low birth and a leader of robbers, became master of Persia ; and it is from this historian that we shall probably gain a clue to the truth. (See Lib. xxiii. cap. 6.) D'Herbelot says "Le Labtarikh, le Tarikh Montekheb, Khondemir, et tous les autres historiens Orientaux, disent qu'il y a eu deux Alexandres, tous deux surnommés Dhúlcarnein, c'est-à-dire, aux deux cornes," &c. Bibl. Ori. Escander. The earlier of the Dhúlcarnein, seems to be the same as Nebuchadnezzar, Pan, and the horned Bacchus.

The Tartars, when Carpini was among them, called the moon the great emperor, and worshipped it on their knees. (See Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. i. page 132.) Mithridates was a common name of the kings of Pontus. Mithras is the sun, and Mithra is the moon; and the last and most powerful Mithridates was called Dionusus, a name appropriated to Bacchus. Macrobius observes in his Saturnalia, (lib. i. cap. 19.) "Cum igitur Liber pater idem ac Sol sit, Mars vero idem ac Liber pater, Martem solem esse quis dubitet?"

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that my Inquiry is not ended, but merely begun: I must prepare for returning to the conquests and dispersions of Nebuchadnezzar, and must endeavour also to trace the hisof the Chaldeans", after the destruction of Babylon, and their dispersion.

tory

a Gibbon tells us that Tamerlane in his letter to Bajazet, distinguished himself and his countrymen by the name of Turks, and stigmatises the race and nation of Bajazet, with the less honourable epithet of Turkmans. He adds, "Yet I do not understand how the Ottomans could be descended from a Turkman sailor; those inland shepherds were so remote from the sea and all maritime affairs." (Vol. xii. c. 65. note.) Does not this remind us of the Chaldeans whose cry was in the ships, and of Sesostris, and his Colchian colony, and his naval expeditions? Tamerlane was of the race of Zinghis Khan, and Zinghis Khan (i. e. the king of kings) seems to have been of Turkish lineage; for the Altai mountains are said to have been the original seat of the Turks, and, according to Marco Polo, Zinghis Khan was buried in the mountain of Altai, and all the great khans and princes of the blood of Zinghis were carried for burial to the mountains of Altai, even from the distance of a hundred days' journey. (Kerr, Vol. i. p. 309.)

b I will not attempt at present to trace the origin of the Saracens, nor the meaning of their name. The common sign of the Saracen's Head, shews that our crusaders thought them a people of fierce countenance. And in a very late work,

(Narrative of a Journey from Constantinople to England by the Rev. R. Walsh,) the author, after remarking the difference between the Bulgarians and the Turks, says, "On the road we frequently met groups of both, always separate, but employed in the same avocations." [Qy. vocations.] "The Turks were known by turbans, sashes, pistols, and yatigans; but still more by a ferocity of aspect, a rude assumption of demeanour, and a careless kind of contempt, that at once repulsed and disgusted us." (I quote from an extract given in No. 2 of the London Review.)

If we examine the evidence which has been brought forward to shew that the Romans were a nation of fierce countenance, we shall find that it is not very conclusive. The Romans, like other warlike nations, may have looked fierce when they were fighting, but we might with as much, and perhaps with better reason, assert that the English are a nation of fierce countenance. Even an Englishwoman, "lion-like rising, daunted" the ambassador of Poland, "no less with her stately port and majestical deporture, than with the tartnesse of her princelie checkes." (See Gray's Bard, and the quotation from Speed.) As for Plutarch's evidence, does it not appear from his life of Marius, that the Romans were frightened at the fierce countenances of the Cimbri, and are not Pompey's troopers said to have preferred a smooth face to a scarred one? (See Plutarch's Life of Julius Cæsar.) But there are much weightier objections to the explanation given in the Family Bible. Archdeacon Powell observes, (Discourse 9. p. 147.) "When the completion of the prophecies is manifest, the application of them to the proof of our religion is the same as of other miracles. But there is one advantage peculiar to them, and such as deserves notice. They connect together the Old and the New Testament. To a Jew, who acknow

ledges the authority of Moses and the prophets, they offer the shortest and plainest evidence of Christianity. To a Christian, already convinced by the miracles and doctrines of our Saviour, that he was a teacher sent from God, they prove with equal clearness, the divinity of the old Testament." The doctrine is sound, and the reasoning just. Let us bear them in mind, while we examine the explanation of Bishop Newton, and the other annotators. If we compare the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth verses of the ninth chapter of Daniel, with the twenty-eighth chapter of Deuteronomy, we must conclude, that in Daniel's opinion the Chaldeans executed the threatenings of Moses: but if the Romans were meant by the nation of fierce countenance, does it not follow that the prophet Daniel was mistaken? Romans destroyed Jerusalem because the Jews had violated the law of Moses, how can we acquit St. Paul for what he says of "the weak and beggarly elements" of the law? The doctrine, therefore, is not sound. To prove that the reasoning is not just, it will be necessary to examine minutely the different passages in Daniel, and the explanation given of them by the annotators; for the present I decline the examination; but should I be called upon to prove that the annotators have reasoned incorrectly, I will endeavour to make good the charge.

If the

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