647 L

650 651

IEUTENANT-COMMANDER K. C. MCINTOSH shows in his article in the Financial Section of The Outlook that he is as much at home in an economic discussion of money and credit as he is in aeronautics. Lieutenant-Commander McIntosh is now in the Navy Department at Washington, after having spent some time in Pensacola, Florida, at the Naval Air Station.

wo officers discuss the results for the

652 United States Navy of the decision

653

Fascism in Italy.

654

Special Correspondence from Elbert Francis Baldwin

Indian Life Menaced by the Bursum Bill....

656-657

The Treasure-House of Southeastern

Alaska..

658

By Sherman Rogers

Etched in Acid (Poem)..

662

By Leslie Nelson Jennings

"Even the Dogs"

662

By Fullerton Waldo

CHRISTIAN CENTURY

508 S. Dearborn St., Chicago

Dear Sirs: Please enter my name (a new subscriber) for a year's subscription to The Christian Century at your regular rate of $4.00 (ministers 3.00). I will remit upon receipt of bill and you will please send me without extra charge a copy of "The Reconstruction of Religion," by Ellwood, or "The Crisis of the Churches," by Leighton Parks, or "The Mind in the Making." by Robinson, or []“What Christianity Means to Me," by Lyman Abbott.

made last year at the Washington Arms Conference. Dudley W. Knox, a captain of the United States Navy, was retired last year for physical disability after more than twenty-nine years of active service, which included service on Admiral Sims's staff during the war. He is the author of a book entitled "The Eclipse of American Sea Power," and is the present naval editor of the "Army and Navy Journal."

The second half of the discussion is by B. B. Wygant, who is a Commander on the U. S. S. California, at San Francisco.

E

RNEST HAMLIN ABBOTT, whose signed editorial on the effect of the Conference is published in this issue, represented The Outlook at Paris and Washington.

B

ARON S. A. KORFF, formerly assistant Governer-General of Finland under Russia's first free Government, is now in Washington. He has just returned from a trip to Europe and is well acquainted with recent developments there. Few men have such accurate and general information and such sound judgment upon international affairs. At the Institute of National Politics at Williamstown a year ago last summer he was one of the lecturers, and next to Lord Bryce he made the greatest impression. He sends this brief account of the present German Government at our request.

The Upward t Climb

WHO

WHO were these far-distant ancestors of modern man? What did they do, and how did they live? What did they eat?

Above all, how did the human race climb from that dark past into its present place? Why and how did the big jaw and little forehead disappear, and turn into the lofty head of modern man? How and why did man cease to look on the ground and look to the skies?

Sometimes men lose heart over the world as it is to-day, but one glance backward into that dim past is the most encouraging thing that man can have, for it gives incredible hope for a glorious future.

The wonderful complete story of man's upward climb is told with all the romance, all the vividness of that greatest of novelists

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Think of it! Thoroughly revised, printed from brand-new, clear, readable plates, with a hundred famous historical pictures from the great art galleries of the world, and bound up into four durable, cloth-bound, library-size volumes-all for a fourth less than the ordinary 2-volume set would cost you even now in any book-store!

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30Irvin Place New York

You may sen! me, on approval, charges paid by you. Wells' Outline of History, in the usable 4-volume illustrated edition, at the special reduced price. Also enter my subscription to the Review of Reviews for one full year at its regular price-$4. I will either send $1 in 5 days and $1 a month for 11 months, or I will return the Wells' history within a week, send you 25c for the first copy of the magazine delivered, and cancel this order.

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One look at the shade in place on your lamp (the -ring fits over any incandescent bulb) will tell you more about its beauty and attractiveness than a page tic enthusiastic description. So we invite you to see aste Old Master" shade in your own home before own it..tg to own it. Five whole evenings' enjoyment

DECEMBER 13, 1922

INVISIBLE GOVERNMENT

I

F there is one thing more than another that Americans require of their political affairs, it is that they should be open, aboveboard, and discussable by all. Invisible government and secret influences form the antithesis to democracy. We have and will maintain freedom of speech and of the press, subject only to the apothegm stated the other day in these columns, "Personal liberty ends where public injury begins."

The most moderate programme put forth by defenders of the revived Ku Klux Klan shows its purpose to influence legislation, public opinion, and political elections. It has a right to do all this if it acts openly and fairly. It has no right to work secretly by underground methods to inflame racial and religious prejudice in order to bring about political or legislative action. If one says this to a defender of the Klan, he replies, "Well, the Knights of Columbus do the same thing." We have seen no evidence of this; but, if it is so, then that or any other organization so acting is subject to precisely the same criticism. Meanwhile it is notorious and self-evident that the Klan cunningly tries to twist into one cord the three hateful strands of anti-Jewish, anti-Catholic, and antiNegro prejudice. Help yourself, in effect the Klan says, to your own special hatred! All this is distinctly un-Ameri

can.

There is no objection to secret societies in themselves. Any one can name offhand several that are admirable as sources of social enjoyment, of mutual benefit, of fraternal benevolence. Ceremony and ritual are attractive to many people, and it is true that many secret societies are not merely harmless, but beneficial. Yet, in order that the worthy associations should not be confounded with the objectionable, it is at least desirable that all should be registered with the State authorities and the names of their responsible officers be available for purposes of inquiry. Emphatically this is desirable in the case of an organization like the Ku Klux Klan, founded originally as an instrument of terrorism, and lately revived in an effort to foster race and religious animosity and to I throw the influence of its secretly banded members on this or that side of a political issue. We are not permitted to know when and why the Klan's influence is thus exerted, and in such a

situation fair discussion is impossible. Just lately, for instance, one newspaper correspondent remarked:

One of the surprises of this year's election was the success of a candidate for Governor of Oregon, with Ku Klux support, and the adoption by the voters of that State of a law designed to do away with all private schools and all parochial schools at which a feature of the teaching is instruction in religious matters.

It may be that the Ku Klux Klan was influential in the election of a Governor in Oregon and in the adoption of the school law-and it may not; how can we tell what an oath-bound society has done? The same thing applies to the election of Senator Mayfield in Texas, "said to be" due to Klan efforts. We don't want "said to be" in American political life, we want open politics as well as open diplomacy.

When the present Klan revival was new, there were several acts of violence charged against local Klans. The National officers of the Klan in one or two

instances expelled the local chapter; in other cases the Klan was declared to be wrongly accused. Thus was exposed instantly one danger attached to those who ride by night "to do justice to wrong-doers;" others may imitate them from evil and personal motives. The Klan saw the light; and it is fair to say that this sort of lynching à la masquer ade seems to have ceased. There remains to the mystery-loving "joiners" the oddly mingled delight of mask, gown, and torch, with the joy of alliteration, and the inconsistent pleasure of seeing in newspapers flashlight photographs of their midnight ceremonies.

effectively their ideas, but to put them in force by violence. In the course of his speech Mr. Lloyd said:

We want to organize so if you want to put a piece of propaganda in the hands of everybody in Milwaukee you can do it in three or four hours. If you want every Socialist in Milwaukee at a certain place at a certain time with a rifle in his hand or a bad egg, he will be there. We want a mobilization plan and an organization for the revolution. You want to get rifles, machine guns, field artillery, and the ammunition for it; you want to get dynamite. . . . You want to tell off the men who are to take the dynamite to the armory doors and blow them in and capture the guns and ammunition there so that the capitalists won't have any. Dynamite the doors of the banks to get the money to finance the revolution.

This man, the son of Henry D. Lloyd, the late economist and reformer, and thirty-eight others were indicted for conspiring to advocate the overthrow of the present form of government in America by violence, and to that end unlawfully and wickedly and feloniously to engage in various forms of propaganda, including selling and distributing books, aiding in the organization of the Communist Labor Party, assembling in meetings, and raising flags and banners and other insignia.

The indictment was in twelve counts and was brought under the law of the State of Illinois which makes such offenses punishable by imprisonment. That law was passed on June 28, 1919a few days more than five months after Lloyd's speech from which we have quoted. Of course neither he nor his fellow-conspirators were indicted for this speech. They were indicted and twenty of them were arrested, tried, and convicted for acts subsequent to the passing of the law. This speech of Lloyd's, however, together with other words and evidence as to the activities of some of the accused prior to the passage of the law, was introduced as evidence to show the intent of these men in advocating the doctrines that they did advocate after the passing of the law.

The jury was satisfied that the men they convicted were guilty of a conspiracy to overthrow by violence or other unlawful means the representative form of government now secured to American citizens.

Punishment of the convicted was deJayed by the elaborate technical objections of their counsel; so it was not until the latter part of November that Lloyd and some of his co-defendants began to serve their prison sentence. Almost immediately Governor Len Small, of Illinois, commuted the sentences and the men were released.

Probably this case would have gained

no such notoriety except for the fact that among those indicted was one man, Lloyd, who is reputed to be a millionaire, and another, John Reed, a Harvard graduate, who after the indietment died in Russia and is accounted as a hero by the Bolsheviki.

LEGALITY AND EXPEDIENCY

T

HAT these men were legally convicted there can be no doubt. Every imaginable technical objection, as well as every effort which to a non-legal mind would seem reasonable, was employed by the counsel of the accused to prevent conviction. A reading of the case might suggest to a satirist a subject for an operetta as pertinent to the complexities of the law as Gilbert's "Pinafore" was pertinent to the official red tape of the British navy. Into these technical objections it is not necessary to go. It is sufficient to say that they were for the most part overruled by the trial Court and rendered unavailing by the Supreme Court of Illinois on appeal. The counsel for the accused petitioned the United States Supreme Court to act in the case, but Justice Sutherland refused a writ of error on the ground that the matter was one for the Illinois Supreme Court to Landle.

loyalty is to destroy the substance of the Nation itself. To put a man like William Bross Lloyd in prison may not be the best way to safeguard the institutions which he attacks (and which, most illogically, he appeals to for refuge when he is caught trying to destroy them); but the instinct which frames laws against the activities of such foolish and reckless men is a sound instinct. Free governments have the right to protect themselves. The Lusk Law in New York, which puts all schools and schoolteachers under the burden of proving their loyalty, is an unwise if not unjust method of exercising that right; the Overthrow Statute of Illinois is not in the same category with the Lusk Law, and is much more defensible, but we are not convinced that the Overthrow Statute is in every respect a wise method. There are some objects which can best be obtained, not by repression, but by patient and wise education.

AN INTOLERABLE FILIBUSTER

Y employing obstructive tactics a

B' ha

From the decision of the State Supreme Court one of the justices of that Court dissented on the ground that the so-called Overthrow Statute, which these men were convicted of violating, was "so vague and general and so clearly against the American doctrine of freedom of speech as to be held unconstitutional." In reaching this decision he was not swayed merely by Constitutional considerations, for he acknowledged that one question about which he was exercised was whether drastic penalty for these men was "the best way, from a public standpoint, to counteract the tendency of their views."

It was evidently because of doubt as to the justice and expediency of the law against the advocacy of violence that Governor Small released the prisoners. At any rate, in releasing them he said: "These men are not criminals." And he added that they had already suffered severely and that no great good could come from longer incarceration.

Very possibly in England these men would not have been imprisoned, or even tried. The length to which violent speech can go with impunity in that country often astonishes Americans. Conditions there, however, are not parallel to those here. National security in Great Britain does not rest upon loyalty to any theory of government; it rests upon the traditions of the British people. In this country loyalty is not to a tradition, but to an ideal, and to destroy that

the majority to withdraw from consideration, and from any practical chance of passage, the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill.

We are not greatly concerned over the failure of the Anti-Lynching Bill to become a law. Even at best it would have been an experiment. We believe it is an experiment that ought to have been tried. It is a reproach to the whole American people that lynching, with the connivance of officers of the law, can continue in this country without any action on the part of the Nation itself. If the States which have tolerated lynching in the past will eradicate it without Federal action, so much the better. But they have not eradicated it. Perhaps some better measure than the Dyer Bill can be devised. Perhaps it is necessary to wait until indignation against the lynching evil becomes so overwhelming that no reasonable doubt about National legislation can remain.

What does give us concern, and we believe should give all American citizens concern, however, is that a minority in the Senate can with impunity dictate to the Senate by means of such a filibuster as was employed by the Democrats with the approval of so conservative a leader as Senator Underwood. What the Democrats did was to interpose a practically endless series of frivolous motions. One motion, for instance, was to insert the chaplain's prayer. Another was to insert in the journal the time at which the President pro tempore of the Senate gave up the chair to Vice-President Coolidge. Another method was to insist upon the reading of the journal in full. Motions of this sort, which were frankly