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As at Rheims and Soissons, the Cathedral at Verdun is the chief monument to the years of bombardment, and even now a corner of it no larger than a village church is all that has been restored to the devotions of the faithful. As one leaves the city and passes through the outlying villages on the way to the forts one cannot but be moved to admiration at the zeal and speed with which the ruin of all buildings, four years ago usually complete, is being replaced by permanent new construction. Many a little community which the war left houseless has resumed its normal life in solid and commodious farmhouses and buildings. There is work for every pair of able hands-one sees no idlers-and if one did not know that the expense of all this reconstruction is being borne by the French themselves and not by the Germans, who should bear it, the situation would be altogether cheering.
We visited Vaux and Douamont and the Trench of the Bayonets in a torrent of rain and bowed our heads in reverence before these shrines of French heroism and self-sacrifice, where so many, many times the defenders must have felt that nature, as well as the invaders, knew no mercy. On the way to Montfaucon one passes fields short years ago the scene of incessant struggle and slaughter, where miles of barbed-wire entanglements still overtop the new growth of weeds and bushes, and enters the territory where our own boys fought and fell so gallantly in the summer and fall of 1918. At Romagne 14,000 crosses mark the graves of those who died in the Argonne and whose people were content to let them lie in the land they had died to save. There could be no lovelier or more dignified final resting-place for them, and in the untold years to come the spot that is America in France will remain as a noble monument to our participation in the war.
As one leaves Verdun and journeys eastward into Lorraine along the route followed by the Germans westward in, their attack on France, the signs of devastation are soon replaced by the evidences of long and undisturbed prosperity that characterized Germany before the war and still differentiate it from the austerity that belongs to the aspect of France even undevastated. Traveling northward through Treves, one sees on every hand fruitful farms and busy industrial towns. If there is a sweeter or more ingratiating landscape than that which is to be seen from the car windows as the train follows the course of the Moselle, I do not know where to look for it. All the hilly slopes east of the river are covered with vineyards under the highest cultivation, and every few miles is a pretty river town, the distributing center for the wine from the surrounding hills. An hour or two more, and one reaches, at the confluence of the Moselle and the Rhine, Coblenz.
A hundred years ago Napoleon made himself at home in Coblenz, but since then there has been nothing to disturb
its growth as a beautifully situated,
At the present time twelve hundred
There is little homesickness among our men. Indeed, it would be surprising if there were, for I doubt if any army ever served under more comforta-, ble conditions. The army, which is composed entirely of professional soldiers who enlisted, presumably, because of a taste for military life, is well housed and well fed; its military duties, while sufficiently exacting to keep it in fighting trim, are not severe. The men are paid in American dollars, the purchasing powers of which in Germany are now so great as to place within the means of our men innumerable luxuries. In addition, the ever-faithful and well equipped Y. M. C. A. and a unit of the Salvation Army minister generously to all cravings for healthy recreation fields for all outdoor games, golf, tennis, swimming, libraries, billiards, canteens,
etc. No wonder that the American sol dier in Coblenz is contented and that, having nothing to be disagreeable about and his pocket full of easy money, he makes no enemies. So much for the surface of things.
The closer one gets to the situation at Coblenz, the clearer becomes the value of our being there. One coming direct from Verdun to the Rhineland must realize why France feels that she has been unfairly treated both by her allies and by Germany and that if she were now to weaken in her attitude Germany would never make the reparations that are so justly due from her to France. Germany, sulky and disingenuous, wil! pay nothing that she is not forced to pay; that is certain. No matter how loud she cries poverty, the fact is indisputable that for every selfish enterprise she has money in plenty; for reparations only does she lack funds. England, with Germany's colonies and navy in her hands, but with grievous unemployment at home-the figures show a million and a half of idle men-sees as her most pressing need the restoration of her former trade with Germany. It is small wonder that between two countries having such different points of view there should be constant friction when their representatives come in contact with each other.
America is not in the League of Nations; her attitude towards European questions is almost as detached as was that of Woodrow Wilson in 1916. Congress is now striving to erect a tariff wall about our commerce that would render foreign trade more difficult than ever before. In such a situation let us be truly grateful that General Allen and his little army still represent us officially in the European tangle. The rift is widening between the two great European democracies that held the Germans back while we were making up our minds to participate in a struggle that really involved our own safety as a nation. We, with France and England, finally brought Germany to defeat. It is a sad time now, when the fruits of vic tory are still to be gathered, to withhold our hand from the harvest. It should be our earnest aim to try to reconcile the differences between our two allies to whom we are bound by a thousand ties of blood and tradition and to whom we owe the major part of what is best in our civilization. We did our share in 1918; it will be to our everlasting shame if we do not do it in 1922. Let us in our gratitude to England and France for the many precious things that we owe to them, in our sympathy with them in their many tribulations and sorrows and in our understanding of their urgent needs, cease to think of America as a land unconcerned with the problems of Europe and determine, as we did in 1917, to play a worthy part in the world's great drama. General Allen and his little army are playing one in Coblenz; let us all, as a nation, play ours with equal zeal and vision.
CELEBRATING THE THIRD BIRTHDAY OF THE GERMAN REPUBLIC
FASCISTI MARCHING THROUGH THE STREETS OF MILAN, ITALY
AN OFFICIAL CHINESE RECEPTION IN SHANGHAI TENDERED TO
In the first row, seated, are (left to right): The Hon. Hsu Yuan, Chinese Commissioner of Foreign
SECRETARY OF STATE HUGHES AND PARTY SAIL FOR BRAZIL Secretary Hughes and other officials comprising the American official party to the Brazilian Centenary Exposition sailed aboard the steamship Pan-American on August 24, for Brazil. In the picture, left to right: General Bullard, Secretary Hughes, Miss Hughes, Mrs. Hughes, Augusto C. de Alenca, Brazilian Ambassador to the United States, and Admiral Vogelgesang
COMPULSORY INVESTIGATION IN LABOR DISPUTES
SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE FROM D. M. LE BOURDAIS
NOW was beginning to fall upon the treeless prairies of the Canadian northwest and the settlers on their isolated homesteads were preparing for winter. But in one respect they could make no provision: they were without fuel, and none could be had. Wood of course there was none; and a strike in the coal mines of southern Alberta, in progress since the early summer, had long before resulted in complete depletion of the slim stock of coal reserves. And the outlook for an early return to work in the mines seemed to grow more hopeless as day followed day. Originally a dispute arising out of a difference of opinion regarding wages and working conditions, it had developed into a contest over the question of whether the coal operators should recognize the unions or not. The men would not deal with the company excepting through their union officers; the company would not treat with the men excepting as individuals. Apparently there was no possibility of settlement until one party or the other receded from its position. In the meantime the likelihood of many settlers freezing to death in their prairie shacks became more and more a matter of grim probability.
The mines were in Alberta, but the people of the neighboring province of Saskatchewan promised to be the chief sufferers. After the failure of various attempts at mediation by private individuals, the Government of Saskatchewan petitioned the federal authorities at Ottawa to intervene for the protection of the helpless homesteaders. frid Laurier, who was Prime Minister at the time, despatched W. L. Mackenzie King, then Deputy Minister of Labor, who had already attained some distinction as a mediator in labor disputes, to the affected district to see what could be done. After considerable difficulty, arising chiefly out of the non-existence of any machinery by means of which the two parties to the dispute could be brought together, the strike was settled -temporarily, as such settlements usually are-and the men went back to work. The homesteaders again had coal for their stoves, but it had been a close call. That was in 1906.
This strike, and the knowledge that whatever settlement had been effected could be considered only as an armistice, and that similar conditions existed in a number of other industries intimately connected with the public welfare. caused the Government to recognize the necessity for the enactment of legislation which should at least postpone future strikes until every other practicable alternative had failed and which should also be the means of supplying
the public with the facts in relation to matters under dispute. Consequently, upon his return from the west, Mr. King was asked to draft a bill which should meet with these various requirements; and the result was what is known as the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act, which became law March 22, 1907.
The act has application to those industries which may somewhat broadly be defined as public utilities, and includes mining, both coal and metal; transportation, steam and electric, railways as well as steamships; telegraphs and telephones; gas, electric light, water, and power works. No change in wages or working conditions may be made either by employers or employees in any of these industries (excepting by mutual consent) without first giving thirty days' notice. If a dispute then arises, either party may apply to the Minister of Labor for a board of conciliation and investigation. This board consists of three members, two representing, respectively, the employer and the employees and a chairman agreed upon by these two. If they fail to agree, the Minister of Labor selects the third member. Fees and traveling expenses of the members of the board and witnesses as well as the cost of necessary clerical assistance and other expenses are paid by the Department of Labor. Authority is given the board to require the attendance of persons and the production of papers and documents, and generally to secure whatever information, in its opinion, is essential to a clear insight into the facts of the case under investigation. Each side is invited to present its view and outside testimony may be requested as well. Members of the board also make personal inspection of working conditions when considered desirable. After all the evidence has been adduced and considered, the board presents its report to the Minister of Labor, who communicates it to the parties involved in the dispute and also causes it to be published. Provision is likewise made for the presentation of a minority report in the event of a lack of unanimity; and this, too, is published. Neither party is bound to abide by the award. But generally, even though unacceptable to either or both parties, it becomes the basis for further negotiations between them; and then of course if agreement is still impossible, the final arbitrament of a strike becomes the only resort.
In the great majority of cases, however, the appointment of a board of conciliation and investigation either directly or indirectly results in a settlement Frequently the board, acting in its capacity as mediator, succeeds in effecting
a settlement without the necessity for making an award. From its inception in 1907 to March 31, 1921, some 509 disputes were dealt with under the act, and of these only 33 failed of settlement.
Labor at first was, as a general rule, opposed to the act and considered it a restriction of the workers' right to lay down tools at will; but quite recently, in view of the tendency of employers to force reductions in wages, employees have come to look upon it with other eyes. And now there is evidence that, in some quarters, employers are beginning to consider it an abridgment of their rights. This latter was strikingly illustrated during the recent threatened railway strike.
The principal railways of Canada gave the usual thirty days' notice that on July 16, last, they would make certain wage reductions, and upon the expiration of that notice, without referring the matter to a board of conciliation and investigation as provided by the act, proceeded to put such reductions into effect. Union officials protested against this as a violation of the act, but the railways argued that the reductions were only tentative and that the difference, if in favor of the men, could be adjusted later that is to say, if they should accept the award of the board in the event of its being against them (which, inferentially, they would not). They further contended that such action on their part did not constitute a violation of the act as interpreted by them; but the Federa! Department of Justice, being called upon for an opinion, held that the railways were in the wrong. This opinion the latter seemed also inclined to dispute, contending that the Department of Justice was not competent to interpret the statutes. But at this juncture public opinion, headed by the Prime Ministerthe framer of the act of 1907-stepped in; the railways, finding their position untenable, submitted to the popular verdict and agreed to restore wages to their original level pending the report of the boards of conciliation and investigation, which had been appointed in the meantime.
For a time the situation had been serious; a strike vote-taken by the railway workers stood overwhelmingly in favor of a strike; and there is little doubt that had there been no Industrial Disputes Investigation Act railway transportation in Canada would have been disrupted by a period of bitter industrial warfare. It may come yet, but that possibility, too, has been minimized.
There may be doubts as to the merits or the justice of compulsory arbitration: but as to compulsory investigation and conciliation, at least, there can be none.
BY ELBERT FRANCIS BALDWIN
ORTY American students are over here this summer traveling together. It has been interesting to see a European city in their company.
They are in Europe at the instance of the European Student Relief (represented in America by the Student Friendship Fund), an outgrowth of the World's Student Christian Federation. The American Student Department of the Young Men's Christian Association is affiliated with the Federation, and therefore chose this body of young men among our American colleges and universities. The lads call themselves "Pilgrims of Friendship" and represent some forty of our educational institutions from Oregon to Florida.
They will be gone about ten weeks from New York to New York. enjoy very substantial reductions of hotel and railway rates. They travel for a week at a time in their own sleeping-cars, thus eliminating hotel bedrooms. At the frontiers of the various countries they certainly had a very easy experience, compared with that of other travelers.
They journey at their own expense. So attractive were the opportunities offered for this particular journey that half of this student body actually borrowed the necessary funds for the trip, for their pecuniary position would not allow them to undertake it otherwise and their ambition to do so was quite as great as that of those students who had enough money for the journey. In order to pay back the sums borrowed some of the borrowers will have to teach during the coming scholastic year, instead of being in college as students, one of the ⚫ conditions of the trip being that those who make it shall remain in close touch. either as fellow-students or as teachers, with the undergraduates in our colleges and universities. To the queries I put to learn whether any of the lads regretted having borrowed I received an invariable "No." Some added: "We are proud to have had the chance to borrow and of having taken advantage of it." One boy remarked: "I am going to do the same thing for next summer's trip." Others nodded affirmatively.
As indicating the kind of opportunities the students are having in Europe, let me tell about the two days they have just spent at Geneva.
The first thing they saw here was the International Bureau of Labor. They were received by that notable Frenchman Albert Thomas, the Director. He gave them a good talk-as he is perhaps the most brilliant orator of France, he could hardly do less. He told his auditors how happy he and his collaborators were to note the interest which any
visitor took in the work they were doing. "This Bureau," he added, "far from being a dangerous weapon, as a few critics would have us believe, has no other purpose than to introduce more and more justice in the relations between capital and labor." Then Dr. Meeker, who is one of the secretaries of the Bureau, described the work in detail.
The rest of the morning was spent at the headquarters of the League of Nations. There Dr. Hudson, of Harvard, explained the work of the League among the fifty-one member nations in the development of peace and justice. After his discourse there was a general discussion. The questions from the students showed, not only the great interest they had been taking in what had been told them, but also the excellence of their study of the subject at home.
Then came the luncheon hour, when, to our agreeable surprise, a no less welcome guest than Mont Blanc himself suddenly appeared from behind the clouds and showed himself to us in all his splendor. It was a privilege to lunch amid such surroundings.
At two o'clock we were at the Y. M. C. A. building, where the international work of its World Committee was commented on by Dr. Nitobe, professor at the University of Tokyo and member of the League of Nations secretariat, also by M. Siordet, one of the secretaries of the Committee, whose seat is at Geneva. But the most interesting feature for the American boys was the welcome in such a place by a Japanese Christian.
At three o'clock we were at the headquarters of the International Committee of the Red Cross. One of its Geneva members, Professor Bouvier, greeted us in impressive language, and was followed by one of the secretaries, M. Brunel, who described the work in detail.
At four o'clock we were at the famous Athénée, where M. Guillaume Fatio, President of the Society of Arts, vividly described the city and history of Geneva, illustrating his interesting lecture by lantern slides of much artistic merit. After tea at the Athénée, there were ringing addresses by Professors Rappard, of the University of Geneva, and Rockwell, of Union Seminary, New York. Some years ago M. Rappard was instructor at Harvard. He speaks English perfectly; hence that which specially interested the American students was, not so much the fact that Mr. Rappard was President of the Mandats Commission of the League of Nations and Professor of Economics at the University here, as that he addressed his audience rather in virtue of his title as a Harvard instruc
tor. In the remarks of Professor Rockwell his American hearers will remember his insistence on the study of foreign languages, particularly French, and his praise of the University of Geneva Summer School, of which he is one of the thirty-odd American members. He thus spoke from the point of view both of teacher and student. This Summer School, I may add, affords a unique opportunity for the study of modern practical international politics; as Geneva is the seat of nearly thirty international societies, the school numbers among its lecturers some of their most distinguished workers.
Then we went to the Bastions, near by, and saw the magnificent Reformation Monument, recently completed. More than any one else Charles Borgeaud, the eminent historian, had inspired its construction, and who could better instruct us concerning it than he? In the middle of an immense wal! against the Bastions stand the gigantic and austere figures of Farel, Calvin. Théodore de Bèze, and John Knox, and on either side are the figures of their notable contemporaries-of the Great Elector of Prussia, of Cromwell, Coligny, Roger Williams, Henry IV, and Bocskay.
At the sunset hour we found ourselves in the library of the University, where M. Borgeaud welcomed us on behalf of that noteworthy and efficient institution of learning. None of us will forget the pictures-the noble head of the professor against a background of the old portraits of the celebrities of two, three, four centuries ago, and about us on every hand exposed in glass cases the University's collection of manuscripts and autographs which form, in my opinion, its most precious treasure.
To-day we saw the Collège de Calvin, established by John Calvin nearly four hundred years ago. The picturesque old building is now surrounded by modern constructions, and all form the great High School of Geneva. The person who showed us about had spent seven years here as a student. While the Swiss primary schools are free, this High School is not; the fee is about four dollars a semester, and there are two semesters in the year.
We also saw the "Alabama Room" in the City Hall. There in 1872 was signed the Treaty of Geneva-the first arbitra tion judgment. That would be interesting in any event, but it interests us specially because the case was between the United States and Great Britain. During our Civil War there were English boats, like the Alabama, which were sold, contrary to international law, to the Confederacy. We complained of this infraction of neutrality. Great Britain