THE PUEBLO INDIANS WITH THEIR BACKS TO THE WALL

I

Na population of over a hundred million a mere eight thousand is a paltry number. It is hardly enough for more than a good-sized village or a tiny city. In a community like New York or Chicago eight thousand could disappear and hardly be missed. And when the eight thousand are not white people with votes, but merely Indians, their number seems the more insignificant.

There is a bill now before Congress affecting the property rights of eight thousand Pueblo Indians in the State of New Mexico. It is not surprising that this bill received practically no attention in the Senate. It was brought before the Senate by Mr. Bursum, of New Mexico, on September 11. He explained that it affected the titles to about five thousand homes in his State. Some of these titles were granted by authorities under the Spanish Government, others by authorities under the Mexican Government. Some of the claimants to lands which the Indians also claim base their right to the land on peaceable pos

DECEMBER 6, 1922

session for twenty years. On assurance that the bill simply provided a method for quieting these titles by suits at law, and that it was recommended by the Interior Department and by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and also agreed to by the parties to the controversy, it was, in the most casual manner possible, "reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed."

Now it appears that the Pueblo Indians are very much disturbed at the passage of this bill. Representatives of twenty pueblos have appealed to the people of the United States against this bill, which, they declare, "will destroy our common life and will rob us of everything which we hold dear-our lands, our customs, our traditions." Evidently the bill is not at all agreed to by the Indians themselves. Nor is it agreed to by certain white friends of these Indians. It is true that the bill provides chiefly for a legal method of settling disputes as to the titles of these lands; but that does not at all tell the whole story. There are two features which seem to us on their face certainly doubtful and probably objectionable. One feature is the transfer of jurisdiction. This transfer is twofold. It transfers the jurisdiction over some of the administrative questions from the Bureau of Indian Affairs to a court of law which by its very nature is not suited to settle administrative questions; and it transfers jurisdiction over some of the most important questions from Federal courts, which are removed from prejudice, to State courts, which are much less able to deal with local Indian questions without prejudice. The other

feature is that of establishing ownership of land by virtue of possession without color of title. If this bill is passed, undoubtedly Indians will be deprived of land, and even of the right of proving superior title.

The Pueblo Indians are not nomadic. The lands they possess are not like other Indian reservations. As their name indicates, they inhabit pueblos, or villages, and have a kind of civilization of their own.

Certainly the House of Representatives should not pass this bill.

It is not merely the rights of these few Indians that are at stake; it is the honor and good faith of the United States.

IN AID OF

AMERICAN COMMERCE

THE

HE President, in his address to Congress on the measure commonly called the Ship Subsidy Bill, described it correctly as an attempt to promote our merchant marine, and with it our National welfare. The aid proposed is not strictly a subsidy, because it is not a bounty or gift, but an advance to be paid back. The method of the bill's operation is this: Create a fund by taking out ten per cent of all import duties paid in. Call it the Merchant Marine Fund. From the fund advance money to American built and operated ships on a sliding scale as to speed and tonnage. Do this for not longer than ten years. Let all accounts be open to Government inspection. Wherever a ship begins to earn more than ten per cent on the investment, stop the advances and demand back yearly half of that ship's profits over ten per cent until the whole amount is repaid. Let these ships carry our mails free.

The financial argument for this bill which President Harding has so much at heart is, as he believes, that it would stop waste and thus save money. It may cost $40,000,000 a year for ten years, but we are now losing $50,000,000 a year above receipts in order to keep up our foreign trade in America. Why should we do this? The reason is thus put by one advocate of the bill: "We must sell our surplus products of the farm, mine, and factory in the same competitive markets in which the owners of the foreign ships are trying to sell similar surplus products of their own. A swell

we will have to sell our goods from our rivals' delivery wagon!"

The general situation as the President views it is tersely described by him in a few compact paragraphs:

Three courses of action are possible, and the choice among them is no longer to be avoided.

The first is constructive-enact the pending bill, under which, I firmly believe, an American merchant marine, privately owned and privately operated, but serving all the people and always available to the Government in any emergency, may be established and maintained.

The second is obstructive-continue Government operations and attending Government losses and discourage private enterprise by Government competition, under whch losses are met by the public Treasury, and witness the continued losses and deterioration until the colossal failure ends in sheer exhaustion.

The third is destructive-involving the sacrifice of our ships abroad or the scrapping of them at home, the surrender of our aspirations, and the confession of our impotence to the world in general, and our humiliation before the competing world in particular.

A choice among the three is inevitable. It is unbelievable that the American people or the Congress which expresses their power will consent to surrender and destruction. It is equally unbelievable that our people and the Congress which translates their wishes into action will longer sustain a programme of obstruction and attending losses to the Treasury.

The bill is, as we write, under consideration and has the right of way in Congress. It is evident that there will be many attempts to amend it or to substitute another measure in its place.

crisis in 1896, he found himself unable to vote for Bryan and became an adherent of the Democratic Palmer-Buckner hard money party. It was not his political activity but his vigor, and even severity, as an administrator that led to his appointment by President McKinley in 1900 as a member of the Philippine Commission. During the absence of Mr. Taft, who was Governor-General at the time, General Wright acted in his place and carried out with ability the policy of the United States as already firmly established by Mr. Taft. When the latter became Secretary of War, General Wright was his natural successor as Governor-General, and in that capacity served with distinction. Finally, in 1908, President Roosevelt appointed General Wright Secretary of War upon the resignation of Secretary Taft.

Few Americans have given to their country more arduous service or have accomplished more of solid and substantial importance in administrative work.

FOOTBALL

ESPITE the activities of some of the

has come to a successful conclusion. The game to-day has a greater hold upon the popular mind than ever before. Even the Yale Bowl, holding nearly 80,000, was this year twice filled to capacity. At the game with Harvard, applications for seats came in in such floods that graduates of the two universities were limited to two seats each. When the Bowl was built, it was supposed to provide accommodation for the "sisters, the cous

ins, and the aunts" of the graduates. Possibly some graduates may look forward to the time when their social problems can be simplified by the excuse, "You know, we are only allowed to apply for one ticket this year."

Of the old Big Three, Princeton alone has been uniformly victorious. The schedule included a dramatic game with the University of Chicago, which Princeton won by a score of 21 to 18. The threepoint margin represented three goals after touchdowns. The new rule that the additional point must be made from a scrimmage has added another touch of interest and uncertainty to the game. On the whole, this change in the rules seems to have been a successful innovation.

Yale in the course of the season lost to Iowa, Princeton, and Harvard. Harvard succumbed to Brown and Princeton.

The hard-fought contest between West Point and Annapolis went this year to the cadets. The Army won all its gamesexcept two tie games with Yale and Notre Dame. The Navy, in addition to Idefeat at the hands and feet of its service rivals, lost to the University of Pennsylvania.

Other teams with notable records of success are: Syracuse, defeated only by Pittsburgh; Lafayette, which was beaten by Washington and Jefferson; Iowa, with a clean slate; Michigan, with a similar record except for one tie with Vanderbilt; the University of Pennsylvania, which lost close games with Alabama and Pittsburgh and was awaiting, as we went to press, its annual game with

LUKE WRIGHT: SOLDIER, ADMINISTRATOR, AMBASSADOR, SECRETARY OF WAR

HAT a Southerner, as a boy a private

Tsoldier in the Confederate army..

and later a Democratic leader, should become the first American Ambassador to Japan and Secretary of War under a Republican Administration (that of Roosevelt) is an indication that sectional issues have become a thing of the ;ast and also that party considerations may occasionally be waived with public advantage.

Luke E. Wright, who died in Memphis on November 17, at the age of seventyseven, was a native of Tennessee and did valuable service in that State as Attorney-General, as a criminal judge, and particularly in organizing the fight against the yellow-fever epidemic in 1878.

When the free silver issue came to a

Paul Thompson

Cornell; Cornell, which had the same test after a triumphal progress through a comparatively easy schedule; Notre Dame, victorious save for one tie already mentioned; and the University of California, which has rolled up 410 points against 34 by its opponents.

Now, from the mass of conflicting statistics and verbal reports, the sport writers will proceed to construct championship teams of players, some of whom they have never seen in action, and to award supreme honors or supreme ignominy to colleges which care little for either so long as they beat their bestbeloved enemies. It has been a good season except for football dopesters, but we have no hope that this fact will prevent them from prophecies and ex post facto explanations when October comes again.

Fuz

The latest volume of the series is the best which has been published and shows a much more general understanding of the essentials of pattern and form than the two previous collections. ziness is not the only quality which nowadays distinguishes the artistic photographer from his more commercialminded brother of the news agency. Nor is the artistic photographer satisfied any longer with the conventional and easy composition of landscape framed by the trunk and the overhanging branch of a tree. The best of the modern photographers are boldly attempting to solve the same problems of shadow, light, and balance which have excited the interest and attention of modern painters.

P. & A. Photos
RAMSAY MACDONALD, ENGLISH LABOR

LEADER

taken up by Dr. Daniel F. Comstock, of the Department of Physics and Optics in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In association with Dr. Herbert Kalmus, an electrochemist of distinction, Dr. Comstock has perfected a process, based upon the chromatic optics of color photography, by which the colors of nature are reproduced in the film and may be thrown on the screen by any projecting lantern. The inventors call their process "Technicolor," and a technicolor film play is now running at the Rialto Theater in New York and attracting the attention of artists as well as of the general public.

The producers have chosen a Chinese setting and characters for this play, perhaps because of the variety of colors which Chinese fabrics and embroideries afford. They have found a young Chinese lady to take the part of the heroine or tragedienne of the play, a Miss Wong, about whom we should like to know more than is given in the scanty information of the programme. She is both charming and gifted-a genuine artist.

In this respect the play, called "The Toll of the Sea" and based on John Luther Long's "Madame Butterfly," has an international appeal. But its chief interest lies in its revelation of what may be done to make the moving picture a thing of beauty by the reproduction of the natural colors of flowers, landscapes, fabrics, and the human face. Those who can should see this picture, not only because of its human and æsthetic interest, but because it is likely to prove to be a historical episode in the development of what is now a great industry and may become a great art.

IRELAND AND ENGLAND

TH

HE execution of Erskine Childers occurred just as the British Parliament took up for action and probable approval the Irish Free State Constitution. To such approval the Conservative majority and Prime Minister are positively committed.

What effect will the execution have on the fortunes of the Free State? There are many who think that it may fan the flame of hostility, increase the activity of the irregular forces of the De Valera faction, and possibly make it necessary for the Free State to call in British aid to quell the so-called Republican army. On the other hand, those who maintain that the De Valera forces are little better than brigands, with no mandate from the Irish people, while the Free State Government and its army have been authorized by a majority of Irish voters to act for them, declare that the execution was just, and also expedient, and that the time has come when the Free State proclamation that insurgent killings would be punished as murders, and not as acts of war, should be enforced and respected.

Erskine Childers was an Englishman and a Protestant; it is said that his wife was an American and an ardent advocate of the Irish Republic. Childers served with credit in the Great War; he was converted to the Sinn Fein cause; he was an admirer and colleague of Grif fith and Collins, but sided against them when the division came between those Sinn Feiners who accepted a Dominion form of government and those who chose to fight to the bitter end for complete independence.

Childers was tried on the charge of carrying arms without permission, an offense now legally punishable with death. It is admitted by every one that he has been a leading executive in the plans of the insurgents, and he is often called "the brains of the movement." It was not shown, so far as the reports state, that he ordered the killing of Michael Collins or other specific acts of lawless violence. If it had been so proved, there would be less feeling that the death penalty was excessive and that a better course might have been banishment or imprisonment. The fact that English papers denounced Childers as a renegade may have influenced the decision, and doubtless there was a feeling in the Free State that Michael Collins's One assassination should be avenged. writer describes Childers as an Englishman by birth, an Irishman by convic tion, and a fanatic irreconcilable and relentless.

Apart from the emphasis laid on the

Irish question, and the fact that the Lloyd George Liberals voted to a man with the Conservatives in the first division of the house, the opening of the British Parliament was chiefly marked by the exuberance and unparliamentary manners of the members of the greatly enlarged Labor Party. The unemployment question came promptly to the front. One new member, Mr. Newbold, pointed out that he was the first elected member of the Communist Internationale who had stood at the foot of the throne, and added that it would not be the last by a long chalk. Another remarked:

In the House of Lords to-day I witnessed a scene that made my blood boil. I saw all the pomp and splendor of this country, and I had just come fresh from the law courts of Glasgow, where I have been trying to prevent workingmen, women, and children from being ejected from their homes, not because they had committed a crime, but because there is no work for them.

The present system is responsible for the murder of tens of thousands of people, and I am sent here on the distinct understanding that I do all in my power to overturn this system.

The new leader of the Labor Party and leader also of the Opposition is Ramsay Macdonald, a brilliant speaker, a bitter opponent of the war, but also now an avowed opponent of Communism. He is a theoretical and intellectual Socialist; his chief aide is the economist, Mr. Sidney Webb. Mr. Macdonald at the ontset declared his intention to carry on political action through constitutional methods.

NEAR EAST QUESTIONS
AT LAUSANNE

N the early sessions of the Lausanne
notable

I conference sessions of most

sensations have centered round the utterances of two nations not formally represented at the Conference, the United States and Russia.

If there were any belief that the American "observers" at the Conference were to confine themselves to listening, it was dissipated when Mr. Richard Washburn Child, our Ambassador to Italy and the head of our delegation at Lausanne, made a statement as to American rights in the Near East. He made it clear that the United States has strong views for an open door to all nations in commercial matters, for the continuance of exterritorial rights in Turkey, against any bargaining for special economic privilege as between nations formally represented at the Conference to the exclusion of American interests, and against secret treaties. All this is really but a repetition of ↑ Secretary Hughes said in his reply

CHRISTOPHER MORLEY author of "Shandygaff," "Parnassus on Wheels," and "Songs for a Little House," and of a thousand delightful whimsicalities in his daily column in the New York "Evening Post," once wrote of The Outlook: "From time to time I have offered one-act plays to various magazine editors; usually they are greatly shocked and reply that a one-act play is quite outside their province. I have a ridiculous feeling that The Outlook would publish even a oneact play if it thought it amusing or for any reason at all worth ink."

Whether or not Mr. Morley had any ulterior motive in thus complimenting the broad-mindedness of The Outlook we do not know. We only know that shortly after the publication of the letter he sent us a one-act play entitled "Bedroom Suite" and that this play is soon to appear in The Outlook. With the finesse of this editorial approach in mind we are thinking of recommending Mr. Morley's name to the President when the next vacancy occurs in the diplomatic corps.

to the invitation for American representation at Lausanne.

has

This American declaration brought out important comments from interested nations. Thus Great Britain bas positively indicated its approval of these American ideas. Its chief representative at Lausanne, Lord Curzon, has spoken definitely in approval of the principle of the open door and against any unfair compact as regards the valuable oil interests in Mosul. On the other hand, Ismet Pasha, the Turkish delegate, has been stirred by Mr. Child's utterance to make extreme claims as to the future of Turkey. He asserts that Turkey under the Nationalist Government must be treated as entirely independent and self-governing.

Russia, through recognized representatives, backs this Turkish position, and is especially peremptory in its demand that foreign navies should enter the Dardanelles and the waters to the east only as all naval vessels are admitted to the waters controlled by another government. Soviet Russia also maintains with Turkey that mandates over former Turkish territory are null and void and that Turkey itself should control the Mosul area. In fact, Russia seems now set upon supporting Turkey's most extreme attitude, including the abolition

of the capitulations and, as Mr. Rakovsky, the principal Russian representative in Lausanne, puts it, "the liberty of the Straits from foreign domination."

All this discussion has brought out the fact that there are important American interests in Turkey about which we have a right to be heard. For instance, Dr. Gates, for many years the President of Robert College, in Constantinople, which is the largest educational institution in the Near East, declares that the Kemalist Turks for the future will not tolerate any minority population, and that the Christian minorities have already practically been driven out, so that the twenty-five thousand pupils who were in American-managed schools have disappeared and the schools are closed. Naturally, Dr. Gates, Dr. J. L. Barton, of the American Board, who is also in Lausanne, and others interested in American institutions think that those institutions, as well as the Christian minorities and the exterritorial rights, should be protected in so far as they are American by separate treaty with the United States.

Secretary Hughes and Ambassador Child between them have certainly cleared away the foggy state of mind which has seemed to prevail among a good many Americans and has led them to believe that because we could not take part in the Sèvres Treaty, as we had not been at war with Turkey, and because we did not wish to take part in any territorial divisions or scrambling for advantages, therefore we had no rights at all in the Near East. As a matter of course we have precisely the same rights we have always had, and we may properly use all diplomatic means to protect those rights.

T

CLEMENCEAU

HE visit of Georges Clemenceau to this country is an international event of the first importance. It may have no direct political effect; at this writing the indications are that it will not. But it is sure to have a social, educational, and moral effect, and sooner or later social, intellectual, and moral forces find expression in political policies.

Mr. Clemenceau must not expect that the remarkable tokens of popular admiration and affection which he has r ceived are any indication that Congress or the Administration will modify their attitude on German reparations, the cancellation of foreign war debts, or the protection of France by alliances or agreements. Or that it will disarm American criticism of the French Government for its pro-Turk and antiArmenian policy. What he may rightly