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the differences between certain races are so pronounced that it is better to keep those races separated. These differences exist between the white and black races; but these races cannot be kept separate in America by any naturalization law because of the existence here as native Americans of millions of blacks. These two races, however, can be kept separate from other races by laws which will discourage, if not wholly prevent, the permanent residence here of large numbers of other races, and among these laws are

tion of her own subjects. Moreover, Japan herself makes the naturalization of foreigners in Japan very difficult. The question is complicated by the problem of dual allegiance, on the principle established and observed that "once a Japanese is always a Japanese."

The United States and Japan can respect each other in no better way than by each respecting the other's rights to define its own citizenship.

more occasion for such distrust than in the period of National crisis preceding and during the war.

It is said on Mr. La Follette's behalf that his course was directed by his conscience. If Mr. La Follette followed his conscience when he denounced, not the men who blew up the Lusitania, but the people who were blown up; if he followed his conscience when he used his influence to weaken resistance to the aggressive designs of Germany; if he followed his conscience when he per

of course laws regulating immigration THE GREAT FAILURE mitted appeals to an American electorate

and naturalization.

The question whether the American people will abandon their aversion to race mixture is for the present at least academic. There is no prospect of any change in their point of view on this subject. If anything appears to be certain, it is the determination of the American people to prevent the settlement here of masses of people of the yellow or the brown race. They have shown that determination by acts exIcluding the immigration of Asiatic peoples.

The question, however, still remains whether it is wise to exclude from citizenship those Asiatics who have been admitted. The children of these Asiatics born on American soil are American citizens by right of birth. Is it wise to have these American citizens brought up by parents who can never hope to be Americans themselves and who are forced to have, therefore, an alien loyalty? Is it wise, moreover, to have com munities composed of people whom the law treats as hopelessly foreign? It is one thing to undertake to keep out those whom the Nation feels it cannot assimilate in mass; it is quite another thing to undertake to render those whom the Nation admits unassimilable.

The law is now unmistakable in excluding Japanese from naturalization If there is to be any change, it will have to be made by Congress.

Fortunately, it does not appear that this question, so far as the Japanese are concerned, is likely in the near future to prove perplexing. If, as the Federal Government assumes, the "Gentlemen's Agreement" reinforced by the present Immigration Law is preventing the incoming of Japanese as permanent resi dents, the question of the citizenship of those who are here will in the course of a generation or so gradually settle itself. Children born in this country will autɔmatically be citizens, and when the older generation passes the people here of Japanese origin will have no occasion to apply for citizenship papers. Japan as a nation can have no interest in the naturalization question, for she can hardly with reason urge the aliena


OBERT MARION LA FOLLETTE is generally accepted as a leader among liberals. He would be so classed in any country. It is as a liberal that he has impressed his own State of Wisconsin. He more than any other individual is regarded as responsible for the body of legislation in which Wisconsin has been in advance of many, if not most, of the other States of the Union. It is as a liberal that he has impressed the Senate. Indeed, there he is regarded as among the most extreme of the liberals.

If liberalism is defined, as it has beer. in a book by one of the most selfconscious liberals, Harold Stearns, as "hatred of compulsion," Mr. La Follette can hardly be regarded as any more liberal than others who affect to believe in liberalism; for among the doctrines which La Follette advocates are few which do not involve the exercise of governmental compulsion, and particularly the compulsive power of taxation.

It is the authority to be exercised by Mr. La Follette in the Senate by virtue of his position on committees dealing with taxation and finance, as described by Mr. Barry in an article on another page of this issue, which gives the more conservative Senators concern.

If Mr. La Follette were simply a radical leader as pictured by Mr. Barry, conservatives as well as liberals might welcome his rise to new power. America needs spokesmen for radical opinion as well as conservative; perhaps it needs radical leaders more than conservative leaders because of the natural conservatism of the people and of their institutions. Mr. La Follette, however. has never commanded the confidence or secured the support of the great mass of progressive citizens.

The reason is not because these people of naturally liberal mind differ with Mr. La Follette in opinion; it is because they distrust his judgment and understanding.

For the distrust of Mr. La Follette which has persisted for many years he himself has given good cause. And in no time of his career did he furnish

to be made on the ground of the inter ests of alien states wihout denouncing such appeals; if he followed his conscience when he allied himself with those in Wisconsin who have made service to the country in time of war a political liability, then Mr. La Follette's conscience is an unsafe guide.

There were Tories in the time of the Revolution who were conscientious; but the American people did not pick from among them the political leaders for the newly born Republic. There were advocates of disunion and slavery in the North during the Civil War who were conscientious, but the Nation did not pick from among them the leaders to guide it toward union and freedom. Mr. La Follette has placed himself among those who in times of National crisis have failed the Nation in true leadership because they have failed in clear vision.



PROSPECTUS for a new poetry magazine drifted into The Outlook office the other day. The burden of its song is to be found in the following statement:

The poetry revival of recent years has done much towards stimulating an interest in the art. This interest, however, has hardly been general, for the revival, it is now evident, was chiefly among the poets and literati. As a result, a large number of lovers and patrons of the other arts who should have been reached (and who, it was supposed, had been reached) still remain untouched by the movement.

The analysis of the situation seems to be correct, although the remedy proposed, the establishing of another poetry magazine, hardly seems to us adequate. Poetry, by right of its origin and inheritance, deserves to be as popular and as widely appreciated as music. Indeed, it might well find a larger audience, for the printed poem can reach many places where even the phonograph record is barred because of expense.

Perhaps modern poets themselves are to be blamed somewhat for the lack of general interest in their work. To

many of them have been writing for writers, oblivious of the fact that the greatest of literature is that which has in it large elements of popular as well as technical appeal.

Of course those poets who in our own day have reached the largest audience are not necessarily those who are doing the most enduring work. If popular appeal is made the sole test, then Robert W. Service would loom up out of all proportion to his true worth. To ask poets to write for readers rather than writers is not to ask for any lowering


of poetic standards. It is to ask them to search for those elements of beauty which are universal, to interpret the general through the particular rather than to treat the particular as an end in itself.

The failure of many modern poets to see life clearly and as a whole is perhaps both a cause and a result of the limitation of the present audience for poetry Good poetry, both ancient and modern, will come into its own again when there is a more general application of the methods of teaching poetry described by

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ITH the fall of the leaf in England has come the fall of the Coalition and the return to party government. Far be it from any one who is more interested in principles than in politics to take part in the conflict of personalities that is now raging over questions about who is responsible for this development, and whether it will be a good thing or a bad thing for the country or for the world in general. The main points so far disclosed are that the watchword of Mr. Bonar Law's party is likely to be "Stability, not sensation," a determination to reduce our foreign commitments in the East so far as they can be reduced with honor, and, possibly in connection with these pronouncements, the fact that the 5 per cent war loan, the barometer of our financial stability, stands steady at 1014, or thereabouts.

The cause of a political upheaval, like the origin of a war, is always difficult to trace. Each of them can be compared to an explosion in a magazine. It may be easy enough to determine who applied the spark, but if there had not been an accumulation of explosive material there would have been no explosion, and it is never easy to discover the origin of the accumulation.

There is no doubt that

for the past two years or more there has been a sense of disquietude in this country about the extent of our military commitments, especially in the East. Our foreign policy since the war has been terribly costly to the British taxpayer. Irak, Palestine, and the defense of the Straits have cost us many millions, and in no single case, in these or in other departures in our foreign policy, has any responsible Minister been able to pronounce that our naval and military experts have been consulted about the armaments entailed by the policy that was adopted. Appeals to these "experts" have always been deferred until emergencies, easily foreseen, have actually occurred. We can go further than that. Not only has the armament aspect of our foreign policy been ignored, but events have been viewed with grave anxiety by the General Staff

of the army. As soon as the late Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson was relieved of his responsibility as Chief of the Imperial General Staff he said as much in public. It may be asked, "Why, then, did he not resign?" The answer is to be found in the British Soldiers' Bible, the Field Service Regulations. We read there that the strength of forces to be maintained in peace or mobilized for war is a matter of policy, for which the Government is responsible. The War Office is responsible only for efficiently organizing, training, and equipping the forces voted by Parliament.

This sense of disquietude about our foreign policy was undoubtedly one of the explosives which had for some time been accumulating in the political magazine. Our expenditure in Irak was avowedly undertaken to help the new state to make a start, and to fulfill our pledge to the Arabs when, with their help, we destroyed the Turkish armies in 1918. Expenditure in Palestine was undertaken for similar reasons, and also in order to provide a national home for the Jews. Expenditure on the defense of the Straits, which has gone up by leaps and bounds, is due to our having made that business "our charge" under the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres, now a dead letter. All this heavy expenditure, be it noted, was undertaken on behalf of other nations; an altruistic and highly commendable policy, which had the support of the nation until it was realized that the heavy taxation and industrial distress in Britain was largely due to our pouring our money into the sands and seas of the Near and Middle East. Even so, we did not provide enough troops in our Constantinople army to support our proclaimed policy of keeping all armed forces outside the "neutral zones" surrounding the Dardanelles and Bosphorus. It was that which brought matters to a head.

The spark which ignited the magazine that exploded and blew up the "Coupon" Government was undoubtedly the official description of the Government's action that was issued to the press during a

fateful week-end in September. We do not even now know who was responsible for the blunder. That it was not made by any permanent official has been established. It must have been made by some Minister more apt to act upon impulse than to rely upon sound judgment. That is a personal matter, of politics rather than of principles. It was against the principles disclosed that the readers of the newspapers of that weekend stood aghast.

Only a few months after dispensing with the services of Indian troops in defending the Straits (a cause which they might not have had at heart) we had appealed to all the self-governing nations of the Commonwealth for aid. Australia and New Zealand responded; the remainder took time for thought, not understanding the issue. This appea! may or may not have been called for; on that there may be differences of opinion. We had also appealed to our late Balkan Allies-Rumania, Serbia (now expanded into Jugoslavia), and Greece (a belligerent in a war in which we had proclaimed our neutrality). It was that procedure, as reported in what claimed to be an official announcement of our policy, that caused the greatest anxiety in the public mind. What happened to that appeal we have never heard. It might, so it appeared, have led to a great war between Turkey (backed by France and perhaps Italy) and Greece, Jugoslavia, and Rumania, backed by ourselves, with the attitude of Bulgaria doubtful. It seemed to the public as if the foreign policy of the Coalition Government had resulted in breaking our Entente with France and Italy, had forced us to enlist the help of the Balkan States, and was landing us in a war in which we had no desire to embark.

Looking back upon the critical weeks through which we have passed, that seems to be the immediate cause of the fall of the Coalition, and with it, in the words of Lord Grey of Fallodon, the passing of something that was not wholesome out of our conduct of public affairs.




SINGTAU, the model Foreign Settlement or European city, which

the Germans built at the entrance of Kiaochau Bay, Shantung Province, together with the surrounding area which constituted the former German leased territory, will be formally transferred to Chinese officials on Satur

day, December 2. The last Japanese troops withdrew from the railway line May 4 and sailed from Tsingtau May 9, their final withdrawal delayed at the request of the Chinese, who in that brisk revolutionary season did not have ready the necessary police to guard the railway and its properties. For the same reason, the transfer of the leased territory was delayed by request after the ratifications of June 2. The treaty provides for the Chinese to take over the railway next March, but the Japanese are anxious to be relieved of it now.

The whole area of the leased territory, the actual ground space over which China resumes sovereignty (200 square miles), is roughly that of the District of Columbia or Greater New York, one-half of one per cent of Shantung Province, all that the Germans leased for ninetynine years from March, 1898, and all that the Japanese captured by force of arms in November, 1914. Tsingtau, the city itself, cannot be literally "returned" to China, any more than the Germanbuilt railway can be "returned," since neither existed until the Germans came and built them. The territory was leased for a definite time, but the town site and the strip of land for the railway up to Tsinanfu, one iron mine, and two coal mines up-country were bought outright from private owners and became German property pure and simple. In the Treaty of Versailles, "Germany renounces in favor of Japan" was the wording of Article 156, which relates to this leased territory, while in Articles 130, 131, 132, and 133 she "waived," "abrogated," and "ceded" other rights, interests, and leases in China to Great Britain, to France, and to China itself.

It was a sorry-looking site for a future city when Prince Henry of Prussia and Admiral von Diederichs held their for mal flag-raising on Harbor Hill in March, 1898. There was the shallow, muddy bay, fit for the anchorage of small gunboats only, until a harbor should be constructed, with a bold hill at the southern entrance and a range of barren hills running across the clay plain on the north shore to join the foothills and the Laoshan Range, which formed the east boundary of the leased territory. The surface of these hills and the land has been washing into and silting up the landlocked bay for all the

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centuries that the inhabitants have been lopping off the branches and grubbing up the roots of all green and growing things that were not food or forage. The nearly circular bay, about fourteen miles across, shrinks to half that size at each low tide. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Arab dhows and Cantonese junks came to this bay to trade, and Kiaochau, "the Glue City," had great renown, as also the near-by "Black-Ink City." Kiaochau is now ancient, crumbling, and literally decaying, as its scores of odors loudly proclaim, and is no longer a seaport. It lies eight miles inland from its junk port of Taputau which is a seaport by the grace of the moon and the tides only. At all other times only slender trickles of sewage meander through the four miles of ooze that the twelve-foot drop of the tide leaves exposed. One reaches Kiacchau City by train, forty-two miles from Tsingtau, although it is only twenty miles in air line. Once within the gates, one goes back ten centuries. During those extraordinary discussions in the Senate over the Versailles Treaty Kiaochau and Tsingtau were hopelessly mixed up, as none of the orators evidently had looked at a map. One of the eloquent raved about "Kiaochau and Tsingtau, those two great ports;" a Versailles delegate spoke of "Kiaochau (the port of Tsingtau);" and there were bulls and breaks of this order past counting. They then took to Shantung. an easier word to pronounce, and it was "Shantung" and "all Shantung" every time they spoke, until they convinced

themselves that the Japanese were in occupation of and administering the whole province of Shantung, save for the period that "Shantung Peninsula" had vogue, and the Senate solemnly and unanimously voted their sorrow that "Articles 156 and 157 of the treaty were disregardful of the true rights and deepseated desires of more than thirty-six millions of Chinese inhabiting the Peninsula!" all innocent of the fact that there were, not that many millions in the whole province, and that the greater part of the Shantung Peninsula was comprised in the great British leasehold of Weihaiwei and its special zone, and that its people had not been affected in any way by the treaty. There was such a welter of bad geography that it was timely for Clark University to establish a special school of geography at once, declaring us an illiterate people geographically-eighth-grade pupils the whole lot of us.

There stood only a temple to the Goddess of the Sea, a mud fort, a magistrate's house, and the few wretched shelters of some fishermen when the Germans came. The "China Sea Directory" for 1894, a precise and unemotional work, drew a dismal picture of the landscape: "The general appearance of the land about the bay is barren in the extreme; the dry parched soil (yellowish clay interspersed with occasional blocks of granite) has a most uninviting appearance." "The villages were all far back towards the hills, and the fishermen retreated there when the Germans had bought their seashor

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shacks. The German who took over the magistrate's yamen plastered the walls of the inside court and painted there a bold panorama of Tsingtau in its earliest aspect, which remains an interesting record. It had faded sadly by 1914, and the first Japanese occupant called up a painter in the Reserves and had the picture restored.

With a clear plot and no inheritance of old streets, roads, buildings, or slums, the Germans could plan the ideal city. They leveled hills, filled up gullies, reclaimed the foreshore, and extended dry land far out over the old mud flats. The ocean side, facing southward on blue water, was reserved for official constructions and villa sites, with the crescent beach beyond for a bathing resort, summer hotels and villas, park, and racecourse. Within the bay they allotted a quarter for Chinese running back from the junk harbor, and the level land stretching away from the commercial harbor was destined for railway yards, factories, and godowns. They built a mole three-quarters of a mile long to deflect the silt streams from the chosen harbor area of 1 1/6 square miles, dredged out a great harbor with a depth of ten and thirteen meters, surrounded the inner basin with stone docks, warehouses, and railway lines. There were a giant crane and a floating dock, and every modern harbor facility. Twenty million gold marks went to harbor works alone; as much more to the town site its public works and utilities-asphalt streets, macadam roads up to the edge of Chinese territory in every direction, sewers, water-works, electric light and power plants, abbatoirs, ice factories, schools, hospitals, clubs, police and railway stations, villa and apartment houses to shelter German officials and mployees, even a sanitarium up on the

side of Laoshan. They carved the doubleheaded eagle deep on the Diederich Stein, the sheer face of Harbor Hill, with a grandiose inscription in German text. More millions of good gold marks went to build twelve forts, on the beach and on the circle of hills around the town, each of granite and reinforced cement, with steel cupolas, underground magazines and labyrinths, besides barracks for one hundred and two thousand men each; forts that were the latest and loudest word in defense until the siege of Liège, since which they are but relics, souvenirs, laughed at as obsolete and antiquated by military men. They built a veritable castle for the Governor-General's residence on a breezy hill-top overlooking town and ocean, and there was violent debate in the Reichstag at the 800,000 marks it cost. But the big spending, the initial outlay, was ended in that first seven years, and there remained only the equivalent of 250,000,000 marks' to be supplied by German taxpayers for the annual budget of the purely military and official station. The 1,000 German civilians of the first years grew to 2,500 by 1914, and the garrison of nominally 3,000 men was increased to more than 5,000 when all the Reservists and Austrian ships' crews were gathered there for the siege.

The Germans planted trees and trees and trees all along the water-front, the streets and terraces, and the country roads; trees to the top of every hill and along the dried-up watercourses, and a double line of acacias all the 256 miles of the railway to Tsinanfu, with dense groves around each station house. All the scorching rock faces in the town were concealed by cool green vines and

1 This figure seems excessive. Our information puts expenditures for 1914 at $4,762,000, of which $2,015,000 came from local revenue.-The Editors.

bushes, and rambler roses festooned themselves along park rails by hundreds of yards. In the forest behind the bathing beach there were nursery gardens and a forestry school. There were free seedlings for all and free instruction for Chinese, but only paid employees benefited. The native mind does not yet understand or accept the forestry idea. "If my ancestors never planted trees to leave to me-only trees for their own coffin planks-why should I plant trees just to look green for my children?"

It was a model garden-city suburb worthy of Dresden or Frankfort. I had seen it in its earliest years, when it was only a harbor and a skeleton of its ground plan, and its future trees were all tied to sticks, and again in an intermediate stage. By 1914 it was the completed dream, the perfect thing, and all Teutons, blatantly, chanted of this monument to German Kultur. The Prinz Heinrich and the Strand Hotels were the best on the China coast, and there were forty-two miles of motor roads. There were direct Norddeutscher Lloyd steamers to Europe every fortnight, and fast trains with sleeping and dining cars took one to Peking in twenty-four hours, and to Pukow, on the Yangtse, in the same time, for connection with Nanking and Shanghai. Two military bands played and a thousand foreigners

strolled on the beach each summer morning, and it was Deutschland über alles surely. There was always the grand idea in each German head, too, that that double line of acacia trees would follow the twin rails on and on, across all Asia to junctions at Bagdad and Berlin und Weltmach!

Then all the world went to war, and the ultimatum of the Emperor of Japan, August 16, 1914, numbered the days of German Tsingtau. The port was blockaded, the railway was cut, and the Kiushiu regiment, landing at Laoshan Bay, was joined by the British contingent-800 Wales Borderers and 800 Indian troops under Col. Barnardistonwho fought with those Satsuma soldiers up over the rear slopes of Laoshan to the destroyed sanitarium and down to unite with the main Japanese forces (30,000 men of all arms) advancing along the railway line to the final assault. This was the "British army" of which the Senators ranted and blamed equally for "the conquest of Shantung." The graves of eleven British soldiers killed before Tsingtau have places of honor in the little English cemetery on the road to the water-works. The tablets of 1,214 Japanese killed before Tsingtau are preserved in a memorial temple on a hill near the reservoir. That Tsingtau campaign was a military promenade-mere "autumn maneuvers" the stay-at-home officers called it-a methodical affair, carried out exactly as prearranged in the war games at the military college, a parallel to the French battle of the Couronne at Nancy.

The Japanese had to repair, restore,

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and reconstruct everything on the face, of their new inheritance. The ravages of war were obliterated within a year, and the model settlement was made to blossom with more rambler roses and more thousands of cherry trees on top of the prophetic gift of a thousand cherry trees to the new park by Marquis Komura in 1905. They literally made two of everything grow where one had grown before. They cut a record of their victory on the face of the Diederich Stein, the line of Japanese sea! characters chiseled straight down across the swelling breast of the double-headed eagle. They built schools, hospitals, and a much-needed market house, literally miles of dwellings and factories, extended roads and sewers; and, after repairing the wrecked water-works, constructed a new water station on the boundary of the territory that doubles the supply. One sees no water at either the old or the new water-works, only the reverberation under a motor's wheels telling that one has left the flat macadam road and is running over a stonepaved dry river-bed, which becomes a roaring torrent when clouds empty themselves on the barren hillsides. A row of gigantic steel buttons on the bank are the tops of artesian wells, from which the powerful electrically driven machinery sucks the water, and forces it to city reservoirs.

Tsingtau has been a happy refuge for retired Chinese officials to enjoy their fortunes in safety. Prince Kung and other Manchus fled there after the revolution that ended the Empire, and, although they retired to Tientsin during the siege, they were glad to return and enjoy law and order under the Japanese flag. The present transfer to Chinese control may be a dilemma for them.

Count Otani, former lord Abbot of the Hongwanji Temple in Kyoto, was another distinguished recluse, and Russian refugees of the better class, relics of the old Court circle, found asylum too. In the summer of 1920 the Italian aviators in their Rome-Tokyo flight made a long repair stop at Tsingtau, and held aerial high jinks over the beach and bay every day. Also came Mme Semionoff one of

the Mme. Semionoffs rather-down from Chita, with mountainous baggages to this haven of safety. Dark-haired, vivacious, well-gowned and jeweled beyond all reason, she distinctly added to the international gayety. Her ropes of pearls and great rings to each finger joint were enough to make a burglar die of coveting, while often at night a monstrous sapphire would flash blue fire and electric wings across the diningroom-a jewel as unique as the Czarina's great hexagonal emerald which made Rue de la Paix gasp last summer, and very possibly from the same august jewel-box.

There have been more than 20,000 Japanese resident in Tsingtau these eight years-officials, great and petty merchants, and lesser folk-all enjoying the summers but shivering at the mention of the long, hard, cruelly cold win ters. Officials of the Colonial and other offices have been waiting in Tsingtau from year to year for relief, for the war to end, for the treaty to be made and ratified, and for the Chinese to begin negotiations. Half their children are at home "with his grandmother in Tokyo," "with my sister in Osaka," and other relatives in the home islands-for schooling. When the Germans had turned over the Tsingtau records and archives in Berlin in February, 1920, all these were sure of going home before the autumn. But the Chinese flatly refused to open negotiations for the territory they were wailing to possess, for the country was in the midst of the socalled Students' Movement then, and passionately patriotic youths and very young school-children were screaming in street processions, raiding shops, and making bonfires of any one's Japanese goods, and having the time of their lives. No Chinese official dared risk his head by discussing things with the Japanese then, and a Shantung Gover. nor who told the children to attend to their school-books, and their parents would attend to public policies, promptly lost his job. But for the Washington Conference they would still be howling for "Shantung." as they too came to call the little leased territory, and at the same time refusing three times

over requests to name negotiators and begin work to that end. German property-owners began to gather immediately after ratifications in 1920, and tourists like myself, scenting a possibly picturesque ceremony, were in Tsingtau in May and June, but to no account.

There have been more Chinese in Tsingtau of late than in German days20,000 resident and 20,000 floating population-drawn first by the great demand for labor in reconstruction after the surrender, and since employed in the many industries and works instituted by the Japanese. The Chinese quarter was hardly their very own, or run in their way ever. Their houses had to be built according to German specifications, whitewashed, numbered, and, in the early morning only, ornamented with neat garbage-bins. There were sanitary regulations savagely enforced, inspections without cease (no evasions were possible), and there were always the fines, the big stick, the mailed fist, and the German language! The Chinese saw the sad joke, and hoped for some respite from the new masters; but, alas! the Japanese were madder about sanitation and smells than the others, and could think up a lot of things the Germans didn't know. The newcomers built a market house and shooed them and their baskets of produce in off the curbs; and built tenement-houses at smallest rent als to reduce the crowding; and big barracks for the thousands of laborers passing through the port at the seasonal exodus to and return from Manchuriar bean fields. No more sleeping as the coolie might please, on docks and rai! way tracks, in parks and doorways. No slums, no open mud wallows, were per mitted; no cesspools or garbage heaps at back or front doors. No dead animals or mangy dogs could lie in the streets. no drying skins and heaped entrails from household slaughtering could cumber the principal streets, as in happy Kiaochau City across the bay. A charity hospital for Chinese gathered in as many extraordinary and unknown cases as in any part of China. Some succese attended efforts at compulsory educ and playgrounds were provid

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