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HOMAS MASSON is one of the best known of American critics and essayists. He has been literary and man. aging editor of "Life" since 1893, and is the author of several volumes, including "A Bachelor's Baby, and Some Grown-ups," "A Corner in Women," and "The Best Stories in the World." He has edited many collections, such as "Humorous Masterpieces of American Literature," "Humor of Love in Verse," and "Best Short Stories." His home is in Glen Ridge, New Jersey.

OHN BALLARD is a newspaper and

writer and a mauve Wis

consin. He did newspaper work in that State for several years and was later a correspondent in the Northwest for New York and Chicago papers. While engaged in that capacity he began to make a study of the radicalism that has steadily gained strength in the granger States; and from 1920 to 1922 he was engaged in making investigations and writing on the subject for the American Constitution League of Wisconsin. Mr. Ballard does not view radicalism from the standpoint of either a politician or a professional economist, for he is neither one nor the other. His chosen work is that of a writer on outdoor life, and he is a regular contributor to the "Outers-Recreation Magazine" of Chi


KINGSLEY MOSES, who has made an

enviable name for himself as an industrial writer, is a graduate of Dartmouth College. He was the only American present in Tripoli during the ItaloArab hostilities of 1919 and the consequent negotiations for peace of that spring and summer. He traveled considerably over a thousand miles in Libya; and to him, as probably to no one else, were confided the Arab ideals of autonomy.

MOGEN B. OAKLEY Writes The Outlook of her experiences as a juror in a criminal court in Pennsylvania.

Stark-Lyman Co. Bldg.,
Cedar Rapids, Ia. Steam
from Central Station.

Residence of D. A. Phillippe,
Champaign, Ill. Steam from
Central Station 4,309 feet away.


UPPOSE each city family had to

manufacture gas and electricity and pump water! Ridiculous?-Yes. But, no more so than our present system of buying coal at retail, having a "heater" for each apartment or house, every man tending his own little fire and wheeling out his own ashes.

The most logical way is to heat groups of buildings from a Central Heating Plant, distributing the steam through underground mains, buying it as needed, by meter.

We have assisted many hundreds of communities, institutions, industrial plants, and other groups of buildings to the enjoyment of the advantages of Adsco Community Heating.

They have ample heat on tap at each radiator 24 hours a day, as easily controlled by an Adsco Graduated Packless Radiator Valve, as water at a faucet.

We have prepared an interesting booklet on Adsco Community Heating; ask for Bulletin No. 20-0. Bulletin No. 158-0 describes Adsco Heating-the coal-saving system-for individual buildings with any make of boiler.


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The Outlook

NOVEMBER 1, 1922



E looked forward to this day without dread;

he even looked for it with curiosity; for he thought of it as the beginning of a great adventure, as a time of falling asleep and waking to find himself at home, as a passage across the threshold to another room. He had fought a good fight-he was willing to trust his comrades to continue the battle. He had finished his course he was willing to trust his message to those who would carry it on. He had kept the faith-and he was willing to trust that the. faith would still be guarded.

Many have faith like his in God; but not many have such faith as his in men. In no respect did he show this faith more clearly than in the conduct of this journal. The trust that he reposed in his associates remains to-day their greatest heritage from him.

Because he trusted his associates, he laid upon their shoulders during the latter years of his life a steadily increasing responsibility for editorial decisions. He did this, not because he sought relief from labor, but because he saw that only in this way could that labor be made enduring. He did this freely and happily because he knew that his associates shared his convictions concerning the fundamental principles of life.

These principles he found supremely expressed in Jesus of Nazareth. Every problem of conduct, whether involving individual action or National policy, he referred to those principles for solution. He became and remained, as he said, the student of one Book and the follower of one Man.

Life he saw as a struggle, and the end of that struggle was life. Conflict he neither sought nor

avoided, but when he found himself in the midst of battle he fought for the peace of victory. This is the peace which he sought in his own life, in the life of his own land, and in the development of humankind.

Believing in the peace of victory, he found natural comrades in those who, like himself, were doers as well as preachers of the Word. So in his earlier years he fought side by side with Beecher; so in his later years he gave his trust and support to Roosevelt.

He was indifferent to partisan and factional labels. If consistency meant stubborn adherence to what he found to be false, he was willing to be inconsistent. He kept his mind always open to new evidence and was unafraid in the search for truth. He could change his opinions without fear because he knew his convictions were unchangeable.

The power which Lyman Abbott exercised through this journal lay not chiefly in what he wrote, though the simplicity of his style was the most fitting medium for the clarity of his thought. Nor did his power lie chiefly in the counsel he gave, though that was invariably wise. His power lay chiefly in his life. He not only preached justice, mercy, and loyalty to the eternal; he was just, merciful, and loyal in all that he did and all that he was.

That power is a living force to-day. Many times before this he has gone, as now again he has gone into another room. We are not reconciled to the loss of the sound of his voice; we cannot so soon accustom ourselves to the thought that we shall not see him again; but we shall not be deprived of the power that he imparted, for that is the power of his life.

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OW suddenly the political kaleido

scope may turn in Great Britain is illustrated by the fact that a cable despatch from London printed in New York on October 19 bore the heading "Lloyd George Sure of Caucus Victory," while in the same paper of October 20 we find the title "Lloyd George Steps Out."

The end of the Coalition formed in 1914 was certain from the hour when Mr. Bonar Law at the Carlton Club threw in his lot with that wing of the Conservative Party which is tired of political union with the Liberals and the leadership of Lloyd George, and wants to fight on the old party lines again. Mr. Bonar Law has faithfully worked with Lloyd George to carry on sound government, and only a week or so before the action at the Carlton Club approved Lloyd George's action in making a firm stand on the Asian side of the Straits.

This is one of many indications that the death of the Coalition is directly due, not to Near East questions, but to those of British internal politics, and largely that of the balance between the old parties and the Labor Party.

A political campaign moves quickly in England. Mr. Lloyd George, after the Conservatives at the Carlton Club had voted by 186 to 87 adversely as to the maintenance of the Coalition, went at once to the King and, as is the custom, put his resignation in the King's hands -"kissed hands" is the traditional phrase. The King summoned Andrew Bonar Law and asked him to form a new Cabinet. Then Bonar Law was formally chosen party leader of the Conservatives. On October 24 Bonar Law announced his Ministry; its most important members are:

Lord President of the Council, Marquis of Salisbury; Lord High Chancellor, Viscount Cave; Chancellor of the Exchequer, Stanley Baldwin; Secretary for Home Affairs, William C. Bridgeman; Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Marquis Curzon; Secretary for the Colonies, the Duke of Devonshire; Secretary for India, Viscount 360

Peel; Secretary for War, the Earl of

The King will dissolve Parliament, warrants for new elections will be issued, the campaign will be fought quickly and hotly, and presumably this great appeal to the country will be heard, decided, and all over in a month,



whereas our election campaign has been going on all summer and most of the fall.

Lloyd George is an old campaigner. With his usual promptitude, he began his fight before the formal preliminaries had been concluded. The day after he resigned he declared to a great crowd: "I am a free man. The burden is off my shoulders. But the sword is in my hand!" And in what we would call a

car tail-end speech he said at Bedford: "I am glad to find no end of great hearts. It is with these hearts that I

am going into battle to win. I come before you as one of the great unemployed."

Arrived at Leeds, he made a long and vigorous speech, the keynote of which was, "I stand for the people," based on his declaration that "the banner of party strife has been raised in the Carlton Club," and that the question is one between the will of the people and the success of party. He defended the work of his Government in war and peace, and put the case colloquially when he said: "They say I was a very good war Premier, but the war is over now. I was like a doctor who was good in life-anddeath cases, but couldn't cure a headache. I haven't got the proper bedside manner. When one cuts expenses it brings in no votes, yet as the result of cur financial policy the sovereign is beginning to look the dollar in the face."

The political situation is made complex by the fact that some influential Conservative leaders, such as Lord Balfour, Lord Birkenhead, Austen Chamberlain, and Sir Robert Horne, are still supposed to desire the continuance of the Coalition, while, on the other hand, many Liberals of the Asquith stripe are opposed to it. A London correspondent of the New York "Herald" puts it this way:

Mr. Lloyd George, who during the war split the Liberal party into two sections, has now done the same thing by the Unionist party. Thus, instead of the two original parties, there now are four, with the Labor party making the fifth. There no longer will be an Irish party, which for so many years during the great Home Rule agitation was able to dominate the Westminster Parliament by throwing its seventy members to whichever side it chose.

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when Refet made his triumphal entry on October 19 was extraordinary. The Turks of the great city gave him a foretaste of the reception they are planning for Kemal.

Refet rode through wildly cheering masses across the famous bridge from Galata to Stamboul. He was accompanied by the man who is to be Governor of Adrianople, the Turks' sacred city, ravished from them in the Balkan War, and now to be humbly returned. With him were gorgeously clad officials and a detachment of the Nationalist army. There were green arches in honor of Kemal's victories, red flags with the Star and Crescent and the green war flag of the Prophet waved, while Turkish bands played their independence march, sheep were slaughtered as a sacrifice along the line in Oriental style, and Greeks, Armenians, and Jews hid away or wore the Moslem fez. Meanwhile, from Adrianople and Eastern Thrace a vast mass of fleeing Christians and Jews (350,000 is one estimate) has fled westward rather than accept Turkish rule.

All this took place under the supervision of Allied forces still in possession; but when Kemal comes, as he will soon, there will be no Allied forces in Constantinople, and if the Christian and Jewish quarters are spared it will be by

Kemal's orders. It should be remembered that the humiliation which the Western or Christian world is undergoing in seeing Turkey now dominant in Constantinople and dominant in Eastern Thrace, and alone of Germany's allies better off in its European possessions than it was before the war broke out in 1914-this humiliation, we say, was not, as many people suppose, a consequence

of Kemal's great victory, for the great
Allies had agreed to these very things
months before Kemal swept the Greeks
through Asia Minor like chaff before the
storm. Perhaps the settlement is the
best that the general condition of the
Near East and its complicated problems
makes possible, but it certainly is not an
inspiring or enjoyable situation.




HINA'S development, it has often been said, depends upon internal peace. It depends rather upon order and justice. And when there is corruption combined with governmental feebleness it is impossible to secure order and justice without a disturbance of the peace. If China is to take her place by the side of other Powers whose authority is recognized and whose rights are acknowledged, she must find some way of establishing a really sovereign government. At present China has no government which other governments can hold responsible, and as long as her provinces are subject to the control of their military governors, known as tuchuns, there can be no China worthy of the name of nation. Some of the most enlightened leaders in China recognize this fact, and the disturbances in China during the past few months have been in part the result of attempts to establish a central authority and secure Chinese unification.

Yet more and more it becomes evident that the reconstruction of China must await the utter bankruptcy of militarism. The story of the fight for republican stability since the Chinese crisis of 1917 dividing the twenty-one provinces into a "North" and a "South" has been that of an ever-narrowing circle of military leaders contending for the control of Peking for financial reasons. The manipulation of the Central Government paid dividends to the winner, while the unsuccessful contenders for place have been steadily eliminated.

By last spring the power north of the Yangtze River had gravitated into the hands of three outstanding figures Tsao Kun with his then lieutenant, Wu Pei-fu, opposing Chang Tso-lin in his descent upon China's capital from Manchuria. To-day Tsao remains as tuchun in his bailiwick of Chihli Province overshadowed by Wu and stripped of his primary military and thus political importance. Wu Pei-fu's only rival, Chang Tso-lin, retreating after his defeat to his Manchurian kingdom, has completely reorganized his forces. The consensus of opinion in China is that Chang to-day constitutes a greater menace than ever before to his opponents in Central China.

With China in the critical position she



cccupies at this time, the position of the Southern leaders ousted from Canton in refusing to accept office in the reorganization of Peking's Government, under the acting presidency of Li Yuan-hung, at first sight seems playing selfish politics. Why does not Sun Yat-sen, the driving force in China's growing democratic nationalism, co-operate without hesitancy?

Far from being eliminated as a political factor in China's politics, Sun remains in Shanghai from the deep conviction that until the outcome of the conflict brewing in North China no man can do anything to help Peking out of the hole it is in with any lasting results for China's sorely tried republicanism. So long as Peking remains in the grip of contending armies, the possibility of taking hold of China's actual bankruptcy is dubious. The position of Sun Yat-sen's party is that the millstone of military politics remains around the neck of any government now taking office. Until events take that millstone off, the chances of responsible government succeeding in the task of republican reconstruction are held to be slim. As Chang Tso-lin continues to reestablish his power in Manchuria, the position of the other super-tuchun of China, Wu Pei-fu, becomes more and more threatened. Only the lack of funds prevents Wu from attacking his rival to-day. In the meantime Sun, though driven from his capital, retains the loyalty of his main army. His forces have now turned on the neighboring province of Fukhien, and have taken the capital. A reconstitution of the Southern Government in Foochow is in the

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